In the past few decades, researchers have increasingly gained interest in understanding women who have a habit of criminal behavior (Mili, et al., 2015). Whereas men are still considered to be the majority in criminal offences, it is recognizable that women can also engage in criminal behavior and their involvement in certain criminal activities such as assault has been on an increasing trend (Department of Health, 2019). Whereas such crimes might be considered to be less offensive, they have a considerable impact on society and on the criminal justice system. Consequently, researchers have begun to investigate the factors that might contribute to women criminality and to explain the motives of such offences from a theoretical point of view (Hesselink & Häefele, 2015). Indeed, there have been studies evaluating the risk factors for criminality in women, but they reveal mixed findings (Moe, 2004). But there needs to be further research in this topic area to validate or refute the previous findings. For instance, a recent study by the Department of Health (2019) sought to identify the most predictive and prevalent risk factors for criminality among women and men. After involving at least 95,000 men and 15,000 women, the study found the most criminogenic needs for women were impulsivity, unemployment and poor problem-solving. Interestingly, similar points applied to men. Therefore, it is important to examine whether there are specific risk factors for criminality that apply to women. This will help in determining whether there is a need for different interventions for criminality in women and whether women need a different rehabilitative approach compared to men. The study will also underscore whether there is any environmental factors surrounding women’s criminal behavior.
To investigate the risk factors for criminality among women
Research Objectives
To explore why women engage in crime
To identify whether there is a need for different interventions for criminality in women and whether women need a different rehabilitative approach compared to men
To explore environmental factors surrounding women’s criminal behavior.
Barlaj (2016) argues that paucity of knowledge on women’s criminal behavior and the increasing number of criminal acts perpetrated by women is indeed a problem to be solved. The lack of knowledge behind the criminal behavior of women makes it difficult for relevant authorities and security experts to develop and implement elaborate measures for preventing or reducing the exponential prevalence of heinous acts such as murder and theft (McDermid, 2014). Warner (2012) also argues that little knowledge on the risk factors for criminality among women has made it difficult for security authorities to prevent little girls as young as 18 years to engage in criminal acts. Particularly, when the authorities do not have adequate information on these risk factors, they are unable to develop education and sensitization programs for addressing such risk factors.
On the same note, Sreejesh et al (2014) argue that despite the availability of good security apparatus and policies to address the issue of criminal violence among male and females, there are still reports of violence and criminal activity, indicating that such measures are not as effective as they should be. Therefore, there is a need to conduct proper research on female-instigated crime so that the relevant authorities have adequate and evidence-based knowledge. Based on the adequate knowledge the relevant authorities can develop effective measures, programs and policies to address them.
The interpretivism research approach adopted by this study was fundamentally based on the interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) methodology that takes an idiographic approach to research. It means that the researcher seeks to understand the phenomenon under investigation from the perspective and context of the person experiencing (Sreejesh et al, 2014). In most cases, according to Smith & Shinebourne (2012), the experienced phenomenon is of great significance to the targeted individual and is usually related to a major event of their life. Therefore, by investigating the risk factors for criminality among women, the project used an interpretive approach to understand the women’s experience of factors that contributed to their involvement in the crime. Consequently, the study sought the participants’ insights on what motivated them into criminality, the context within which they decided to engage in a criminal act, and the experience of how engaging in crime was like.
Smith (2011) asserts that IPA originated from hermeneutics and phenomenology, which were proposed by prominent scholars such as Martin Heidegger and Edmund Husserl. Fundamentally, IPA involves a close examination of the respondents’ experiences and making meaning out of such experiences by drawing from the participants’ accounts of what happened and the context within which the event occurred (Reid et al, 2005). In the current study, 2 participants were invited to give an account of what triggered their involvement in crimes.
Pringle et al (2011) observe that in most cases, participants in IPA studies have a common experience with one another. Therefore, the small-scale nature of IPA studies reveals the extent to which the phenomenon under investigation is understood within a particular context and based on a shared context. This applies to the current study, whereby the researcher will target a small sample of respondents who have had a similar experience with criminality, a phenomenon sometimes referred to as ‘homogenous sampling’ (Hefferon & Gil-Rodriguez, 2011). However, the proposed study will be a more advanced version IPA that draws different samples to obtain multiple perspectives on a shared experience i.e. involve husbands or a relative of each participant.
The researcher generated qualitative data from participants through interviews. Ideally, according to Pietkiewicz & Smith (2014), interviews are suitable for IPA studies because they allow from an open-minded and flexible enquiry. Furthermore, the interviewer was facilitative and curious as opposed to being interrogative so that they can gather the most in-depth information from the respondents. For instance, after answering a question, the interviewer used phrases such as ‘tell me more about that’ to obtain more indepth information. Barlaj (2016) observes that IPA often involves the gathering of personally salient accounts of the phenomenon under investigation, allowing for in-depth and rich data to be gathered. With this regard, the researcher collected data in a way that allows them to develop a detailed verbatim transcript for further interpretation. Meanwhile, the recorded data was shared by a professional transcriber to transcribe the information and present it back for analysis.
The data analysis procedure in IPA should allow the researcher to reflect on and retain the respondent’s perception s in a non-distorted manner (Sreejesh et al, 2014). This implies that the analyst must suspend their own preconceptions about the data so that they can grasp the participants’ experiential world. In the current study, the researcher cinducted a detailed coding of the transcripts, considering the participants’ key claims and deriving meaning from those claims. In doing so, the entire data analysis process was based on a hermeneutic stance, whereby the analyst tries to make sense of the participants’ experiences as narrated during the interviews (McDermid, 2014). Fundamentally, the study’s main aim to understand how engaging in crime as a woman is (phenomenology), and to makes sense of it (interpretation) justifies the use of IPA approaches.
The data analysis process took a bottom-up approach whereby the analyst developed codes in relation to the data as opposed to relying on an existing theory to develop codes (McDermid, 2014). Ideally, the bottom-up approach of data analysis was deemed fit for the proposed study because IPA approaches develop new theories as opposed to testing existing ones. This is particularly possible because IPA enables an open-ended approach to the research question thereby leading the researcher to see things from a new light (Sreejesh et al, 2014).
After the interview data had been transcribed verbatim, the researcher begun the analysis process in which a balance between insightful interpretation and phenomenological interpretation of the responses was maintained by carefully interpreting the responses without distorting the interviewee’s voice in the information. The researcher also maintained an idiomatic focus while to ensure that no variation in data pattern is lost while concentrating on what the transcribed responses mean.
This section of the study presents and analyses the results from interviews conducted with two participants. Here, the author puts into perspective the interview responses and conducts an in-depth analysis to get a deeper understanding of the responses and how they answer the underlying research question. The IPA enabled the author to uncover the meaning of various themes in the criminal lives of the respondents from their own point of view. The interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim.
During the interviews, one of the key considerations made by the interviewer was the power balance between them and the interviewer. The interviewer took note of the power shift between him and the interviewee and made several interventions to ensure that they did not dominate the interviewee enough to intimidate them and make them give untrue accounts (Roberts & Povee, 2014). For instance, the author practiced effective listening skills, giving the participant time to talk and listening from three dimensions i.e. listening to what they are saying, listening to their inner voice and listening to the interview flow (Gelder & Daele, 2014). Another consideration made to maintain power balance during the interview was asking a follow-up question. While the author had a set of predetermined question for each interviewee, he also asked to follow-up questions to make the interviewees clarify their points, thereby avoiding misinterpretation. Furthermore, follow up questions enabled the participants to explain something they felt was an important piece of information and clarify what did not come out clearly (Xenitidou & Gilbert, 2009). Lastly, to maintain power balance, the author was keen to be respectful of the interviewee’s boundaries by ensuring that they were interviewed in a manner that encouraged them to explore their experiences with a considerable level of sensitivity and respect. Thus, the author ensured that the interviewee was not uncomfortable with the questions.
Family background
Existing research has associated female criminality with problematic family backgrounds that lead to drug addictions and urge to engage in criminality. So, when participants were asked to give a synopsis of their family background, both mentioned certain elements of their families that might have been contributory factors to their criminal behavior. For instance,
Interviewer: Tell me about your family background
A: I was born in North London into a lower class Irish Catholic background. We live in a small flat in Archway. Five of us sharing two bedrooms. I was one of three daughters – sadly one of my sisters died a couple of years ago due to alcoholism. In addition, my father had an alcohol problem which made things difficult around the house when we were younger. We often lacked the basics at time due to money being spent on beer.
Interviewer: Ah, so sounds like you faced some form of child neglect and a couple of other problems in your childhood. Could this have anyway influenced your criminality later in life?
A: I grew up with much love for alcohol. It reached a point when I was so much addicted to it and this really impacted on my life in several ways. I became more violent to my peers and workmates. Sometimes when something pissed me off in the office, I just walked off and took a shot of tequila. I would them become supercharged with anger. Even the day I set the office block on fire, I was kind of drunk
Interviewer: Tell me about your family background
B: I was born in the Kent area of England into a council house scheme. There were three of us. Mum, brother and me – I had no permanent father. We depended a lot on social security to support us.
Interviewer: So you kind of grew up in an unstable family with a low socio-economic status?
B: Yes
Interviewee: Tell me how this affected you
B: Well, it was nothing less the normal problems faced by what other people in such kind of a life. I felt powerless among my colleagues at school and this affected my self-esteem bad. I was much of n introvert who could hardly defend herself when offended and I feel this had much impact on me later in life.
These responses give a true picture of how family background can have a heavy influence on one’s criminal behavior. As seen in the responses, family problems are key factor leading to women drug addiction and criminality. Being neglected by parents contributes to the need to survive and this ma trigger certain criminal response or behaviors that are perceived to favor survival. Consequently, women may engage in alcoholism and violence to survive. These findings corroborate with the findings by Gelsthorpe & Morris (2002) who asserted that alcoholism and violent behavior may be more prevalent in women with drug-addicted families than in those who did not live in drug-addicted families. In another US prisons study conducted by Peugh & Belenko (1999), the authors found that two out of five alcoholic or drug addicted parents had at least one family member who had been incarcerated, and these rates were higher among incarcerated women.
It is possible to extrapolate that the participants’ criminal behavior might have also been contributed by their family socio-economic status. The first respondent had irresponsible parents who could not care for them while the second respondent lived in a family of low-socioeconomic class. If the findings by (Mili, et al., 2015) are anything to go by, the it could be true to extrapolate that family socio-economic status can be a risk factor for criminality among women. Particularly, Mili, et al (2015) found that women with a tendency to commit crime are more likely to be those who experience social and economic deprivation.
Depression
The interviews also revealed some link between psychological disorders such as stress and depression and criminality, confirming the findings of existing research on subjective social stress and its influence om criminal behavior. For instance, one respondent admitted that at the time she was committing the crime, she had been diagnosed with depression and was on medication. When asked whether her depressed state might have contributed to her criminal behavior, she responded by explaining how she had always wanted to vent her anger whenever she felt depressed.
Interviewee: Have you ever been admitted in the hospital or diagnosed for any mental health issues?
A: I have not been admitted to hospital, but I have been diagnosed with depression and I take medication daily to help me. This was diagnosed before I went into prison.
Interviewee: How would you relate your depressive state with your decision to burn the office block?
A: To some extent, I would say it is was associated with that event because I am always most angry when I am depressed or stressed. I can remember vividly how the morning before that incident I was depressed and had a feeling of helplessness. I tried to figure out what I could do to come out of the situation but realized I had no options. By the time I was setting the office on fire, I had undergone hours of stress, depression and was angry.
Similar results were found in a study by (Banarjee, et al., 2015). According to the study, depression is linked with an increased risk of committing violent crime. In fact, the study found that depressed people are three times more likely to engage in crime. While the study involved both men and women, 0.5% of the women convicts had been described as clinically depressed compared to 0.2% of the non-depressed women. However, while the study was considerably well-designed, the authors warn that it should not be misinterpreted to add depression or stigma to the female population. Furthermore, the study does not show that depression causes criminal behavior but rather, it indicates a relationship between criminality and depression and that a third factor such as unemployment or poverty might explain this association (Banarjee, et al., 2015). However, even after adjusting for other confounding factors such family background and genetics, Banarjee et al (2015) still found that depression was associated with the risk of criminality. These findings also corroborate the findings by Mili, et al. (2015) who concluded that based on the association between depression and a feeling hopelessness and guilt, depressed people are less likely to avoid engaging into activities that break the law and are less likely to seek legal advice before engaging into such activities.
The responses also revealed certain socio-economic factors that are associated with criminality in women. When asked about their socio-economic status at the time of committing the crime, one of the respondents asserted that her she resorted to burn down the office block because she was jobless and could not stand her colleagues living their normal lives. Further probing uncovered the role of unemployment as significant risk factor for criminality among women. For instance:
A: I was not in employment at the time when I chose to set the office block on fire. The reason I set the office block on fire was because they gave me the sack and setting a fire was a way of helping me deal with the anger.
Interviewer: How bad was your economic status that you decided to set the office on fire?
A: First, I felt like the sacking was unfair. They did not do thorough investigations on what happened before sacking me and this just pissed me off. Then, they did not even consider that I needed to pay my rend and other bills that I could not live without. They just sucked me like that.
While employment has been associated with criminality both in male and female, the findings of these study corroborate with several other findings that associate unemployment to criminality in women. For instance, Cox (2012) conducted a mixed-method survey among 385 women convicted of crime to understand their socio-economic life before their imprisonment. Similarly, the author intended to evaluate the existence of any relationship between the participants’ socio-economic problems such as poverty and unemployment and criminality by examining their criminal records. A significant finding of the study was that most of the women convicts committed the crimes at the time when they had no jobs. Furthermore, Cox (2012) found that domestic frustrations and poverty are major contributions of women engagement in crime and most of the criminal activities they commit in the state of unemployment are meant to help them satisfy their needs. In another qualitative study by Green (2011), the author intended to explore the relationship between criminality in women and economic status. After interviewing both housewives and women working in factories, the authors found that more housewives were convicted of crime compared to their working counterparts. Green concluded that housewives were more likely to engage in criminal activity because they could not satisfy their needs compared to their working participants who had some funds to relatively satisfy their needs.
Collectively, these studies show the significant role of unemployment as a socio-economic factor contributing to criminality among women. More importantly, these findings confirm that Inability to support one’s self economically can lead to the development of criminal activity either to satisfy those needs or to deal with the psychological issues caused by economic deprivation. Discover additional insights on The Interconnection Between Drug Abuse and Criminal Activity by navigating to our other resources hub.
The interview responses also revealed some association between education and crime. One of the respondents who was relatively less educated (i.e. had only attained secondary certificate) revealed how her lack of knowledge affected her ability to recognize that she was committing a crime or acknowledge that ignorance is not a defense in the face of law. When asked about her education and why she thought her ignorance landed her in trouble, she explained the following:
Interviewee: Do you consider yourself knowledgeable enough to have known that you were committing a crime?
B: This is one of the most complicated part of this whole thing. While I still insist that it was a wrong conviction because the person, I was convicted of having sexual relationship with consented to the act, my lawyer explained to me that it is illegal to have a sexual relationship with a minor regardless of their consent. I somehow feel like if I had known this, I would have just waited until he was no longer a minor before having the relationship. Therefore, I think I was somehow ignorant, and that ignorance landed me in big trouble.
Apart from this study, there are several studies that have confirmed the association between ignorance and violence among both women and men. For instance, Biber et al (2016) conducted a study to identify whether there is any relationship between illiteracy and female criminality. Also, the authors wanted to understand whether the convicts commanded any knowledge on the crimes they committed. In the end, the study found that women who had dropped out of school or did not attempt to go to school were more likely to commit crime compared to their fully educated counterparts. Furthermore, 45% of the participants were either semi-illiterate or illiterate. Put into context, the respondent in the current study had not attained college education and admitted that she might have acted out of ignorance. However, there is no evidence that her failure to attain college education contributed to that ignorance. That said, it is important to identify the difference between ignorance and illiteracy with respect to how they are related to crime. Whereas illiteracy entails not being aware of the right thing to do, ignorance involves being aware of the right thing but choosing not to do it. Thus, in the current scenario, the respondent was not aware that it was a crime to engage in sexual relationship with a minor regardless of their consent. This implies that she was illiterate to the law and this illiteracy may have been due to her lack of tertiary education. Nonetheless, these findings have confirmed the findings of other studies that illiteracy or semi-illiteracy is a possible risk factor to criminality.
This theme emerged with respect to education programs delivered within the prisons and how it affects the recipients’ mentality towards crime. First, it was important to know the availability and nature of education programs within the prisons:
Interviewer: While at the prison, did you join any criminal rehabilitation education program? How did it change your perception of crime and criminality?
A: Whilst in prison I took part in the prison’s education program. I was assessed – I took a Maths, English and General Knowledge test. I was then viewed as suitable as a teacher’s assistant and helped the young women with their learning during their English lessons
B: Yes, I am currently taking part in the education activities in prison. I have completed an NVQ in Gardening and now about to start an NVQ in Catering. Because I will be still
in prison for the next four years I would like to start an Open University degree after completion of the NVQ.
These responses reveal how the respective prisons have established structured education programs that aim at equipping inmates with specific skills that not only keep them busy but also empower them with the necessary skills for beginning a new life once they are out of prison.
However, the respondents had divergent opinions on how the education programs impacted their views of criminality, one being positive about the program while the other revealing utterly negative opinions against the program. The first respondent noted how the education program gave her a sense of purpose by developing skills on various subjects and getting certified for the same:
From these responses, the inmate seems to associate education programs with success because it equips them with the skills necessary to get jobs and begin life again. However, the respondents also noted that despite all these benefits, the program did not help address her mental health challenges:
B:It is much worrying that despite mental health being one of the major factors influencing criminality, it is surprising that some prison education programs do not address the issue of mental health. This calls for a more comprehensive program that gives a holistic consideration to inmate well-being and not just equipping them with skills. In fact, a similar remark was made by one of the respondents:
In the above the interviewee allude to a positive impact of education on their perception of criminality by noting that if issues like mental health are addressed through education, lesser reoffending would be realized. For example, one respondent admits that through education, her focus had changed from criminal tendencies to career development:
A: My doctor is helping me now with my depression and I am still in employment. In June 2020, I will have been out of prison for two years. I think their education programme did set me up for success as they up-skilled me but you must also be able to deal with your psychological demons as it these who could really let you down!
These findings underscore the extent to which prison education programs can transform female convicts and help them reclaim their position in the society. As seen in the interview, one respondent turned from a convict (charged with the crime of burning down an office block) to one who is focused on building a successful career. This scenario best explains the impact of prison education programs.
However, other responses reveal other weaknesses of prison education problem that should be fixed if such programs are meant to create an impact on inmates. For instance, one respondent noted how the programs are less productive by claiming that instead of changing the inmates’ focus from drugs, no positive results are achieved:
B: A lot of the women here are only interested in drugs. They were convicted because of drugs; they want drugs and when they are released, they will leave looking for drugs. If this is the motivating issue, what chance does an education programme have if the women are continually pre-occupied with drugs? This is something the prison system has not come to terms with – there needs to be some sort of substance abuse programme put in place to help with their addiction issues.
This study has revealed that several familial, individual and environmental factors contribute to women’s propensity to engage in criminal activity. The risk factors for criminality that have been revealed by this study are not only important for predicting female criminality but also shed much light on the circumstances surrounding such behaviors. It is therefore surprising that until this study was done, there was little information about women criminal behavior. Nonetheless, this study has uncovered that women’s engagement in criminal behavior occurs at a personal context and that the intentions behind their criminality are often reactive or in self-defense. Furthermore, this study has established that women may engage in violence to release accumulated tension, for financial reasons or to achieve certain control. Nevertheless, all these risk factors for criminality call for the development of interventions that are specifically designed for meeting the needs of this specific group.
Whereas various programs have been implemented in the UK to address female criminal behavior, the persisting increase in female criminality begs for more gender-informed and female-focused interventions that specifically target the unique risk factors for criminality among women. Gender-focused interventions are particularly important because, for example, male-focused interventions may be of limited value to female offenders. Furthermore, female-focused interventions would optimize the use of tools and resources designed for women offenders.
First, it is important to note that most of the risk factors identified herein are highly changeable and therefore they should form the bases of the interventions. Poor anger management and mood problems are all factors indicating that women’s coping skills tend to be poorly developed. Furthermore, researchers (e.g. Mili, et al. 2015) have established certain cognitive processes such as attribution biases that are associated with violence. Thus, a possibly effective intervention would be to teach women better stress and emotion management skills to help them manage their emotional instability and improve their ability to rely on substance when trying to cope with their negative experiences. Furthermore, because women tend to engage in violence when they are not in their rational state, prison education programs should target giving women skills on conflict resolution, interpersonal negotiation and anger management. More importantly, teaching women how to identify the reasons for their criminal behavior would be an important way of helping them understand their actions.
In conclusion, this striking study of risk factors for criminality among women informs the development of effective rehabilitative programs that women can be enrolled either during or after jail terms. It documents some of the most prominent risk factors for female criminality and possible interventions to mitigate those factors. This study’s ultimate implication for practice is that early identification of factors for criminality among women and developing effective interventions for such factors would facilitate a reduced crime rate and reoffend among the female population.
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