Revisiting Research Aims and Summarising Findings

In order to orientate the reader back to what the research focuses to examine, it is useful at this point to revisit the aims of study before summarising the findings. The overarching research question was:

‘The importance of EI and wellbeing in the lives of 3rd generation British Bangladeshis’

The two research questions were as follows,

How do this population experience their EI?

How does this relate to their well-being?

A number of themes and subtheme have been identified, which are relevant to the research questions. There will be a brief description of each theme and how this study links to previous research and theories. After that, there is a discussion about the study’s implications, followed by an evaluation of the study’s strengths and limitations and recommendations for further research.

Subtheme 1: Oh my god, I’m different.” Overt experiences of being othered

Within this theme, most participants talked through their experiences of existing as a 3rd generation British Bangladeshi living in and around London. Many participants described their experiences of frequent questioning, abuse and experiences of unfair treatment in both the public and professional settings, particularly in regard to their Islamic identity. This was described as a major contributing factor to their experiences to feel like an outsider in Britain.

The participants discussed their experiences of racism and aggression due to their physical appearances e.g. having brown skin or wearing hijab. The participants also frequently reported being called a ‘terrorist’ or being asked about terrorism, and this seemed to lead most of the participants to feel that, they were being viewed through the lens of problematic societal narratives, which were associated with being Muslim. Some participants recalled their experiences of having their Muslim identity being brought to the fore in the professional settings. It seemed that, the participants were alluding to institutional oppression, that they often feel they have little control over. Consequently, it appeared that, although the participants seemed to identify Britain as home, these experiences of micro to macro level aggression and hate appear to create feelings of being ‘unwanted’ by Britain.

This echoes the findings of the systematic review and previous research that has described the British Bangladeshi population as becoming targets of Islamophobia (Abbas, 2005, S6, S7, S8, S10, S11), especially the women who observe the Hijab (Demos report, 2011). As suggested by Berry (2006), experiences of racism and discrimination, appear to have led participants to experience difficulties in developing a secure identity.

The participants described their experiences of their own Bangladeshi and Islamic practices, which they seemed to feel comfortable with and enjoyed. At times, however, it appeared that, these were felt to be interpreted negatively by the dominant culture. In the interviews, the participants corrected some of these misinterpretations by discussing their living experiences of being a Muslim British Bangladeshi and how this differs greatly from the stereotypes that they felt exposed to. The participants seemed to distance themselves from stereotypical, reductionistic, or racist perspectives and sought to redefine common social misunderstandings of how patriarchy functions within their families. This study reiterates many of the findings of the systematic review, where the participants discussed negative stereotypes attached to Bangladeshi practices (S6, S7, S8, S11). Although much of the research was based on the earlier generations, this study has demonstrated the continuity of a similar experience of discrimination for this generation of participants.

Theme 1: Subtheme 2 “We have no representation.” A lack of role models in public and professional spaces

Alongside these perceived negative stereotypes, a lack of perceived positive role models in both the public and professional settings was described to have contribution making the participants feel like, they were alone and the model representatives their culture. A consequence of this appeared to be a lack of safety and playfulness whilst navigating these spaces. At times, they seemed to avoid partaking in opportunities, that they would otherwise have wanted to engage with, making them ‘separate’ themselves from the dominant culture (Berry, 2005). Steel and Aronson (1995) reported that, ethnic minorities are more likely to be conscious of disclosing their personal characteristics and behaviours, as this puts them at risk of confirming negative stereotypes associated with their group. As a result of these experiences, the British Bangladeshi people may become weary of disclosing their EI, potentially leading to anxieties about openness in the public and professional spaces.

Theme 1: Subtheme 3: I act a bit whiter.” Fitting in to survive

The participants also describe using ‘pretending to be something I am not’ as a strategy when occupying the public and professional spaces. Many describe the act of adopting behaviours that the participants had interpreted as aligned with whiteness, with the intention to avoid racism and discrimination, seeking peer acceptance in school. They also allude to a standard of professionalism that is associated with whiteness and appear to feel pressured to perform this in order to progress. The participants shared their experiences of feeling rejected in the professional settings based on prescribed ‘standards’ of professionalism. The participants implied that, any behaviour, that is informed by their own cultural background, may have been negatively perceived by the dominant culture.

Previous evidence has suggested that, identifying more with the dominant culture, can increase economic gains (Mason, 2004). Drydakis (2012) also found that, assimilation and integration (based on Berry’s acculturation model, 2005) results in higher wages of immigrants; in contrast separation and marginalisation appears to decrease. In this study, many participants also disclosed the negative impact that this had on their level of confidence and how they viewed themselves. This also appears to be in line with previous evidence which has demonstrated that despite a correlation between assimilation and positive life satisfaction, assimilation and marginalisation also appeared to be negatively correlated with mental health (Berry & Hou, 2016). Take a deeper dive into John Snow’s Cholera Breakthrough with our additional resources.

Prioritising own cultural values has contributed to the feelings of isolation and an inability to create more meaningful relationships with the colleagues. They are at risk of feeling anxious, exhausted and missing out on promotional opportunities, because these interactions are more demanding of them than their white counterparts. Emotional Labour theory (Hochschild, 1979) stated that ‘emotional labour’ is the process of managing one's own feelings and emotions in order to fulfil the emotional requirements of a job. This can be seen as a useful framework to understand the extra emotional costs from the British Bangladeshi participants discussed when interacting predominantly with the white professional settings.