Exploring the Role of Women in Terrorism

Introduction

Bossong, (2012) has drawn attention towards the statement of Fatima Nezza, the Moroccan Mourchidate (Female Imam), that, if a man receives indoctrination and training in any discipline, the implications are singular in nature, however, when a woman could be trained and indoctrinated in any such comparable discipline, the implications could be comprehended at the community/societal extents. The gradual transformation from a reflexive and uncompromising approach regarding counterterrorism policies which have been so far employed by the World, towards a comparatively greater reflective and preventive approach, in the recent times, has been precipitated by the search for best of practices to formulate a multipronged strategy to influence the core constituents of global terrorism in favour of deterministic political agenda at the national levels. This process has been categorically influenced by the lessons which could be learnt from historical experiences involving efforts to counter violent extremism/terrorism. Such lessons have been construed through multiplicity of factors such as official definitions, methodologies of situational evaluations, priorities expressed through political and societal exigencies and the matrices of qualitative and quantitative assessment of the significance to harness positive operational change perspectives to curtail the expansion of terrorism. To this extent, Carter (2013) has observed that the multidimensional social agency of women in terms of active participation in terrorism has remained, primarily, as an under-tapped and underutilised resource in terms of studies associated with different discourses and perspectives, including gender oriented ones, of terrorism as a global phenomenon. Women, acting as social catalysts and constituents of such discourses, are required to be evaluated in terms of a sequential process empirical research. The corresponding essay would be deliberating about the associated factors of women utilising their social agency and roles as gender oriented constituents of social discourses within the greater dynamics of political, theocratic and various other notional forms of extremism/terrorism, so as to relate to the transformations which have been reflected in the revised formats of counter-terrorism policies which have become the standards of the concurrent geopolitical operational policy implementation frameworks.

In this context, the subsequent essay would be taking into cognisance the historical instances of Sexualisation of female violence which could be alternatively specified as a social discipline which attract greater attention towards the gender oriented dimensions of involvement, participation or perpetration of women in various forms of violent extremism/terrorism without concentrating much effort towards analysis and assessment of various other related elements which could be considered to be of equal, if not greater, significance in terms of influencing or transforming the existing discourses concerning such a socio-political process. Furthermore, the essay would be also attempting to delve into the contemporary narratives concerning the continuity of observed dimensions of female involvement in violence, terrorism and extremism and the associated instance of changes regarding the attempts to respond to such phenomena by the socio-political power structures which concurrently exist internationally. The focal point of the research, however, would be concentrated upon the transformations which have become evident in the counter-terrorism practices and methods employed by different national and international efforts towards addressing the challenges associated with violent extremism and terrorism at the global scale.

Existing academic discourses

As per the opinion of Pearson and Winterbotham, (2017), the durations of, existence of the processes through which violence has been directed against the sovereign states/authorities for the purpose of achievement of ethnic, political, social, economic and religious objectives and, the involvement of women in such incidents, are comparable. However, Nacos (2016) has argued that such instances, from a historical perspective, have been, so far, few and far between in comparison to the male counterparts of such women who have participated in such incidents. Thus, the research, pertaining to female participation and perpetration of terrorism and violent extremism and the subsequent response generated by the targeted sovereign national and international authorities, has been inadequate in terms of scope and extent. However, according to Parker et al (2019), since the mid-2000 onwards, the situation could be observed to be changing. This change, however, has brought into focus the fact that the measures of terrorism and political violence, which, could be attributed to women, are generally exceptionalised in mainstream academic discourses.

Such an observation has been further illustrated by Giscard d’Estaing (2017) from the perspective that such exceptionalisation is particularly disciplinary in terms of the notional interpretative standpoints concerning the gendered nature of mainstream academia as well as the counter-terrorism policies and practices which have been formulated on the basis of such notional interpretations. To this effect, Innes and Levi (2017) have specified that considering female terrorists as comparatively a new phenomenon could be reflective of the gender oriented reliance of counter-terrorism policy formulators, academics and also the mainstream media to delineate the idealised gender stereotypes and the performative roles which are supposed to be exhibited by personnel having lineage to such a gender category exclusively (women).

Thus, De Leede (2018), has delineated that such observations outline the perspective that as terrorists or killer in general, women are considered to be deviations or glitches in terms of the greater socio-political discourses. This could be alternatively considered as contextualisation of female involvement in violence and terrorism to be instances which could best be categorised as aberrations. In this context, the research of Gonzalez-Perez (2008) has concentrated on the perusal and summary evaluation of the Gender, Rationality and Violence (A Feminist Reading ) authored by Carton Gentry. Such scholarly research has identified that the Westphalian narrative has been formulated on the basis of significant gender oriented manner so as to delegitimise the perpetration of violent protest or reaction directed towards the sovereign authority of the nation states by specific actors. According to Auchter (2012), this observation could be validated through comprehensive evaluation of the intersections of statehood, political agency, the structures of sovereign administration of power and the racial postcolonial identifications of the sub-state actors who could be alternatively termed as violent extremists or terrorists. Pinedo (2016) has categorised such intersections through the application of a two-step based narrative process of analytical explanations.

The initial one has been the observation that the legitimacy and primacy of the sovereign states could only be sustained through application of power at the policy implementation level. As per the observations of Flood (2017), both the Foucauldian and International Realism based schools of thoughts have formed a general consensus on such a perception. However, the validation of such an observation requires the contemplation of offering resistance to and discounting, as a natural means of progression of the scheme of statehood practices, any counter hegemonic challenge to the monopoly of the sovereign authority of the state to apply legitimate force. Such acts of arbitration could maintain the veracity of this narrative of sovereignty. Therefore, the most effective form of violence which, could be deemed and thus rejected as illegitimate, is the formative notion of ‘Terrorism’. This is mandatory for the upholding and preservation of the strength and legitimacy of the sovereign state.

The second step of the narrative process involves the construction of gender identity as it could be envisaged by the mainstream academia involving the apparently diametrically opposed processes of legitimisation and delegitimisation. Such simultaneous processes are crucial in terms of the development of the perceptions regarding abstractions of idealised masculinity and the socio-political privileges based concepts on such idealised masculinity. Such abstractions of masculine idealisations also delineate the three core components of statehood, such as monopoly on force application, autonomy of socio-political policy formulation discourses and the administration as well as control of power structures on territorial basis. To this effect, according to Steans (2008), various feminists, including Sjoberg, have argued that wars or conflicts are suggestive of competitive performances of such idealised masculinity which further contribute to the propagation of notions of legitimacy and illegitimacy of social actors.

Theoretical perspective

Saeed and Johnson (2016) have determined such observations through the perspective of the Rational Choice Theory, which, outline, that, states (comparable to the idealised notions of masculinity, could be considered to be rational actors. On the other hand, the sources of power which challenge the hegemony and legitimacy of the state, could be contemplated to be irrational actors, including women as well. According to O’Donnell (2016), such notions are theoretical attempts at feminising the sub-state actors who could prefer to utilise violence as their primary instrument of arbitration within the greater political discourse. Furthermore, Mehra (2016) has determined that the Rational Choice Theory also does outline the concept of strategic logic pertaining to the factors which constitute the concept of rationality in statehood maintenance policies. This has been illustrated by Karlsrud (2017), as the inherent vulnerability of women towards experiencing trauma could culminate in the enhancement of the susceptibility of women to commit terrorist acts. From a deterministic standpoint, this could be interpreted as the categorising of trauma as a component of the realm of emotionality and feminine attributes. However, such notions have been opposed by Silke (2018) through the arguments that, in reality, men do also outline the element of trauma as the primary attribute through which they had been motivated to commit acts of terrorism. These juxtaposing strands of theoretical observations, thus, could be considered to be suggestive of the gendered narrative application by the existing academia and notions of determination of political narratives, which, emphasise on the maintaining of the interpretation of acts of terrorism within the realm of irrationality through application of such a frame of narrative perception.

Empirical observations

According to Ortbals and Poloni-Staudinger (2018), the immediate aftermath of the terrorist strikes perpetrated by Al Qaeda during 11th November, 2001, had assisted into the emergence of the narratives associated with the concept of Neo-Orientalism. This could be illustrated, as per the opinion of Ortbals and Poloni-Staudinger (2018), from the perspectives propounded by Edward Said that the West in general and the USA in particular, were conflated with the supposedly rational and hetero-normative masculinity. On the other hand, the adversaries, the Muslim radicals, in general, had been hyper masculinised into realms of perceptions which transcended that of normative perspectives into a perceived measure bestiality and monstrosity where such radicals could be effortlessly equated with irrational barbarity. The purpose had been to demonise and dehumanise the opponents (Muslim radicals) through implying the concept of performative barbarity, which has now been also applied to the acts of violence perpetrated by ISIS. Concerning the overall interpretation of such variegated, multifarious and diverging strands of perspectives and perceptual approaches, it is necessary to outline that the frame of irrationality involving International relations, the Feminist interpretative discourses related to international politics (encompassing the functions associated with terrorism) and the greater geopolitical dimensions are essentially gendered from two different perspectives. The initial one has been specified by Ortbals and Poloni-Staudinger (2018) to be the concept of Rationality which signifies the projection of perceptual masculinity on the policies undertaken by the sovereign nation states (primarily the Western countries). The perception of legitimate strength is integral to such interpretation of Rationality. The second one has been highlighted by Ortbals and Poloni-Staudinger (2018) to be the actors associated with Irrationality which suggests that challengers of the state monopoly on the legitimate application of force could be equated with non-state actors who could be categorised to be weak since terrorism is considered to be the weapon of the less powerful. Thus, from the perspective of gender oriented narratives of the mainstream academia and political science related discourses, such apparent weakness could be equated with feminine attributes. However, a third dimension, as per the arguments of Hoffman (2017), is to be applied into such frames of narratives. This dimension could be contemplated as actual women who have resorted to violent means, either in a passive or in an active manner, to register their opposition to and challenge against the sovereign statehood of nations. The synthesised discourse from this entire narrative frame, thus, could be identified to be women, mostly from the Islamic communities, who, could be denoted as submissive individuals, through the lens of gender oriented normative perspectives. The actual representation of such perceptual typecasts could be acknowledged as Jihadi Brides, in case of ISIS and the process of deliberate manipulation or ‘grooming’ of such individuals to orient them towards the intended political discourse of violent activities, is also deemed essential to complete such a gender oriented narrative regarding the social agency of women in terms of participation in violent extremism or terrorism. According to Chandler (2018) , the political non-state actors who participate in active opposition of such Irrational elements, are hailed and celebrated as rational and masculine, such as the Kurdish Yekîneyên Parastina Gel (YPG), although in the past, the YPG had been deemed as terrorists within various political circles (Turkey to be exact).

Analytical assessments

The theoretical frameworks evaluated previously, as per the perspective of Davis (2017), outline the problematic element associated with the generally accepted interpretations of gender oriented explanations of the motivations of women. The emphasis has been primarily on the personal attributes of the subject elements (women) under the precincts of the Rational Choice Theory. However, according to Gentry and Sjoberg (2016), the available empirical evidence based cross verification of such notions has brought into focus the fact that such emphasis on the personal attributes of women generally contribute in the progressive depoliticisation of female violence through gender based stereotyping. The most significant outcomes have been the denial of socio-political agency to women and failure to acknowledge the perceived as well as actual grievances of such women. The cumulative impact is the emergence of dangerous gaps which permeate throughout the response frameworks of the various national security services.

Furthermore, the ignorance of policy makers, borne out of the stereotypical notions associated with the process of evaluation, regarding the multiplicity of motivational aspects related to the perpetration of terrorist acts or active participation in organisations/movements deemed to be terrorists by the existing politico-legislative conventions, limits the scope of designing the necessary policies to effectively prevent, contain or counter the increasing involvement of women in terrorist activities or in violent extremism. In a likewise manner, as per the suggestions of Shapiro and Maras, (2019), it has also progressively become difficult to properly identify the extent to which female radicalisation could have expanded within the community folds. The reason is comprehensible through the fact that expansive radicalisation within women, at the community level, primarily contradict the prevalent assumptions and norms related to the assumed measures of behaviour associated with women in such communities. This is an inadvertent impact of the gender oriented perspectives of agency and role of women within the masculinity perspective dominated societies. The prevailing attitudes, in this context, could be identified to have gendered flipsides as well. This could be better explained as the community level perceptions that men and boys should be ascribed greater social agency involving the processes of radicalisation and thus, the associated criticism or corrective actions should be directed in primacy, towards the males only. According to Amusan, Adeyeye and Oyewole (2019), such community based dominant perceptions are clearly suggestive of the process of infantilisation of women as their involvement in violent extremism is mostly not assessed with the attention and seriousness which such involvement measures deserve. The direct outcome could be understood as the underestimation of the implications of such acts of violence or terrorism committed by women within the overall evaluative or judgemental architecture at the community level.

As a follow-on argument, Nasir (2019) has further elaborated on such gender oriented societal notions involving radicalisation and terrorism related discourses in the manner that boys and men receive comparatively harsh judgements and punishment than women for similar acts of extremist violence. Such societal judgements generally ignore the finer details of the vulnerabilities or compunctions to which the male perpetrators of violence or terrorism could have been subjected to, thus, dismissing the extent of manipulation which could have been experienced by the male terrorists/ extremists prior to embarking upon their violent undertakings or terrorist ventures. Khelghat-Doost (2016) has suggested that such attitudes could become transmitted into the subsequent criminal justice systems within such societal perspectives as well.

Historical perspectives and contemporary assessments

According to Blaskie (2016), the historically documented earliest female terrorists could be identified as the members of the Tsarist Russian anarchist group named as Narodnaya Volya. The two most significant and historically prominent female extremists of Narodnaya Volya have been Vera Figner (1852-1942) and Vera Zasulich (1849-1919). While the first one was the member of the Narodnaya Voyla Executive Committee and participated in the planning process of the assassination of Tsar Alexander II during 1880 within the city Odessa and further, during 1881 at St.Petersburg, the next one attempted to assassinate the Chief of Police of St.Petersburg during the year of 1878. The attempt had not been successful since the targeted person was shot and had only received injuries. Curiously, the previously delineated notions of gender based perceptions regarding the involvement of women in acts of violence and terrorism, could be acknowledged to have manifested in reality concerning the prosecution of Vera Zasulich when a sympathetic jury did not find her guilty enough to be served any exemplary legal sentence.

According to Goldenberg (2013), the existing evidence involving Russian Socialist Revolutionaries could bring forth the commonality of prejudices which had been espoused by the gender oriented notions of the general society towards such women, up to the present time as well. Bahramitash (2005) has listed such prejudices in the manner that such female activist of violent political movements had not been always motivated through rational concerns of politics (reminiscent of the Rational Choice Theory striving towards delegilitimisation or the rational choices which could have been performed by such female sub-state actors), that such female revolutionaries had been influenced by their innate female attributes which had lent them towards terrorism with greater propensity (reflecting the sexualisation of female violence through attracting exclusive attention towards feminine dimensions of the committed violence), that such female violent activists had emphasised on moral purity and intense commitment towards self-sacrifice (reflecting the propensity towards subjectivising the process of prosecution), that such women had not been successful as theoreticians (suggesting the element of forced personalisation of the political commitment through the perceived element of exceptionalisation) and as the perception that an apparent strain of instability was ubiquitous amongst female extremists which prompted them towards participation or commitment of such acts of violence (justification of exceptionalisation through psychological stereotyping of such female activists).

Characterisation of participation of women in violence through gender specific denial of social agency

Brown (2013) has summarised the cumulative assessment of such prejudices regarding the radical women of Russian Narodnic movements through arguing that such women were considered not only appropriately dispensed towards commitment or association with violent extremism, however, also being especially vulnerable to the implications of terror, in the form of excesses, which have been perceived to be the actual reason behind the increased participation of women in such a movement by the legal jurists. Apart from these, according to Ortbals and Poloni-Staudinger (2014), there had been two specific elements which have been preferred by the judges in terms of contextualising and marking the behavioural attributes of such women and these have been the elements of individual rebellion and the associated behavioural specifics of such women related to focusing on the concentration on personal experiences. The objective of such preferences by the judges and the concurrent political establishment was to establish the supposition that such women could not consider the political undertones of the revolutionary movement in any other format but in terms of their personal experiences and their decisions related to their participation into such movements were tailored through such perceptions. Aoláin (2013) has argued that such contemporary judgemental perceptions were oriented towards the previously discussed process of denial of socio-political agency to women about their conscious choices concerning their political orientation. This process rejected the notion that such women could have considered their participation in the revolutionary movements as their rational political choices in stark contradiction to the generally accepted notion that their participation, as have been perceived by the gender identity based psychological stereotyping processes which have been outlined in the previous sections of this study, was the outcome of their intense emotional affiliation with the cause of the revolution as well as their propensity to achieve heroic martyrdom through offering opposition to the state sovereignty.

In this context, Eager (2008) has emphasised that characterisation of female participants in acts of terrorism have mostly been one-dimensional. Such process of characterisation has involved development of three specific segments within which female terrorists have been categorised. The initial one has been the defining attribute of having been trapped within the cultural circumstances which highlighted the conditions which women had to experience within the contemporary social architecture. This notion emphasises on the perception that the female militants had taken up arms on basis of their experienced circumstances and thus, they could be denied the socio-political agency of having been integral components to a format of structural and premeditated violent political opposition to the incumbent rulers. The historical examples of the Palestinians are conveniently outlined as suitable representations to such categorisation effort (Rai and Lievesley, 2013).Furthermore, the second category has been that which could include women who could have been prompted through deception and manipulation to commit violent terrorist acts by either their male companions or their relatives or even by social acquaintances. The examples of New-Leftists such as the Italian Red Brigades and the German Red Army Faction are highlighted to be suitable to such a category. However, the new propensity to categorise the female members of ISIS, especially the Jihadi Brides, has become prominent enough in the contemporary socio-political and counter-terrorism based discourses. Finally, according to Auer, Sutcliffe and Lee (2019), the third category comprises off the liberated feminists who are considered to embrace violence out of their personal accord and thus, their decisions could be influenced to only minor extents, if not to no extent at all, by the external factors.

This is a curiously interesting category since this reflects the gradual yet reluctant acknowledgement by a section of the academia and thus by the incumbent socio-political perceptions related to role of women in terrorism, that, female political extremists could be the rational actors to select the structural violence based opposition methods towards the existing socio-political power hegemony, namely, the dominant sovereign in the form of modern nation states. However, this category has been quite a rare one in terms of concentration of academic research on the dimensions of conscious political actions by women as determined social and rational actors. The most prominent evidence could be cited as the Kurdish YPJ. However, Adefisoye and Adedokun (2019) have provided the counter argument to this perspective by specifying that both the YPG and the YPJ are valorised and their acts of armed struggle are promoted as rational choices through the mainstream media and such narratives identify them as not terrorists but freedom fighters and thus, their activities are outlined to be processes which could be accorded some measure of admiration by the general populace.

From the deterministic perspectives, Giscard d’Estaing, (2017) has analysed the previously mentioned categories to be suggestive of the variations which define the measures to which women have been accorded political agency in the historical and concurrent politico-social perspectives. In terms of the first two categories, the characterisations of female terrorists have been mostly reflective of accordance of limited political agency through repeated emphasis on factors of coercion which are referred to have been responsible to shape the behaviour of such women. The final category, as has been previously delineated, is cognisant of both the factors of context and coercion as primary influents which shape the rational choice of women who engage in violent acts of political or religious movements.

Conclusion

The preceding research study has evaluated the interpretation of roles and political agency which are attributed in general to women who participate in structured violence in terms of terrorist movements or violent extremist endeavours. The study has highlighted the fact that, at the most significant level of considerations, female participants in political or religious violence are often tended to be constructed as feminist activists or passive victims of the structured violence to which they subject themselves and not as conscious rational actors in terms of making their choices. Khelghat-Doost (2016) has indicated to the stark dichotomy of such perceptions through emphasising upon the fact that male counterparts of female terrorists or extremists are not afforded such perceptions by the majority of the judgemental social structural components (the media, judges and law enforcement agencies). Such notions are completely dismissive of the diverse roles played by women within the concurrent terrorist groups such as perpetrators, propagandists, ideologues, recruiters, logistics providers and supporters. Gradual transformation of female victims of terrorism into hardened terrorists is also an observed phenomenon which is readily characterised by the existing gender oriented notions of female violence in terms of irrational choices which could be made under duress, for the purpose of improvement of personal conditions or as outcomes of radical indoctrinations. However, the available historic empirical evidence have demonstrated the fallacy of any binary approach involving victimhood and active perpetration of violence by women since female political actors could engage in extremist activities through complex manners. The ample evidence in existence concerning the recruitment and propaganda activities executed by women ISIS members attest to this perception. Thus, it is necessary to reform the frames of reference, at the social, political and academic levels, regarding evaluation of female terrorists and their motivations for engaging in such acts of violence so that the proper implications of such social phenomena could be comprehended to assess the risk female terrorists pose and to develop adequate counter-terrorism policy based response at the national and international settings.

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