Youth Violence and Knife Crime in the UK

1.0 Introduction

1.1 Background

Youth violence in the UK has been a concern for the authorities for over two decades. It has led to loss of lives, grievous injuries and increased incarceration of the perpetrators. Generally, violence involving both knives and guns has been on the rise in the UK. In 2018, the number of murders increased from 649 in 2017 to 739, an increase of 14 per cent (Office for National Statistics Report, 2018). Knife crimes rose by 8 per cent and violent crimes by 19 per cent (ibid). This year, the number of deaths caused by the knife epidemic in London is placed at over 30 lives. The statistics for 2018 are still considered the worst in over a decade given that the number stood at 130 deaths (ibid).

The city of London has a deep-rooted problem concerning knife related deaths and violence among the youth. Notably, the violence among the youth is particularly disturbing among the Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) youth in London. In light of 2018 statistics on stabbing incidences among the BME youth, there was hope among social workers that 2019 would bring new tidings with solutions to the cancerous vice. Unfortunately, more violence and deaths are still witnessed across London (Robert, 2019). It is a complicated situation that resembles a double-edged sword because it affects BME youths both as perpetrators and victims.

As a result of this runaway vice, innocent BME youths have lost their lives and others have been injured (Skae 2017). Equally, BME youths have been identified as being significantly involved as perpetrators of stabbings and related violence (Skae, 2017). Both situations present a loss to the society through loss of lives, medical costs and incarceration of the perpetrators. To that effect, there were 1.3 million crimes involving violence against the person, lodged with the police (Office for National Statistics Report, 2017). Additionally, a crime survey conducted in England and Wales show that number of violent offences stood at 1.2 million (ibid).

A number of knife-related killings and violence have been attributed to criminal gangs based in poorer parts of London. Most BME youths are based in such parts of London owing to economic disparities. This environment predisposes such youths to higher chances of engaging in criminal activities from as early as 12 years. Studies indicate that where there is a breakdown of traditional institutions in the society like family, school and church, there will be increased incidences of youths joining gangs and taking to the streets for survival and other reasons (Young, 2016). Essentially, the said institutions hold parents and their children together hence their disintegration affects the behaviour of BME youths in urban neighbourhoods like London.

Measure like the stop and search powers, which allowed the police to stop and search any person upon suspicion have been implemented by the UK government through the police (Bradford, 2017). However, the controversial measure has since declined in use given the response it received from the BME groups who viewed it as an oppressive strategy rather than a preventive one. Essentially, policing in the BME communities has not been very successful for a long time. This can be attributed to the allegations of racial profiling by police officers. It follows that there is bad blood between the police and the BME youths which is definitely bad for preventive strategies of policing and intelligence. Unfortunately, the current approach can be termed as a quick fix one which does not have long term goals hence cannot adequately tackle the problem.

The role of the church, parents and education in the lives of youths cannot be understated. Parents acts as role models to their children and have a functional authority to shape their behaviour. In BME communities and neighbourhoods, parental authority has been eroded to a larger extent considering that a number of youths do not even have parents of guardians in the first place. Moreover, existing data show that black, Asian and mixed race persons were more likely to fall victim to crime than white people (Race Disparity Audit, 2018). The same report indicates that BME groups were disproportionately likely to be on a low income (ibid). Further, this group was more likely to live in areas of deprivation.

Since most families in BME groups have low income, it has become difficult for them to keep youths in school given that they have to cater for their travel, lunch, books and pocket money. These obligations can be overwhelming for such families and it has been the province of youth services to cushion them with regard to such expenses (Early Intervention Foundation, 2015). When such needs are not met by parents because of meagre incomes and youth services for low or no funding then the youths are left susceptible to surrounding influence in their neighbourhoods. As a result, they are at a higher risk of joining gangs, engaging in drug dealing, local identity wars and seeking relevance.

In line with the above, the UK has been undergoing hard economic times as a result of slow economic growth (Cribb et al., 2018). In a bid to counteract this austerity issue the poor neighbourhoods have resorted to a drug-based counter-economy aimed at sustenance. The drug trade itself is accompanied by fear and social insecurity. In this drug economy, gangs fight for territories and feuds are solved with violence and retaliations. This gang cultures cuts so deep in the BME groups that gang leaders are sometimes considered as role models and even take the position of absentee parents. Eventually, most youths in such settings stands a slim chance of escaping criminal activity. In fact, if one completely dissociates themselves from the criminal activities, they are still at risk of being a victim of gang violence (Robert, 2019; Skae, 2017; Torjesen, 2018). Following this, many parents whose children have been victims have been adamant that their sons or daughters were never in gangs.

As such, BME youths face many challenges associated with the areas where they live. Youths in these neighbourhoods easily drop out of school due to lack of role models or existence of negative influences. It becomes difficult for young people to religiously attend school when their age mates or friends are in gangs (Robert, 2019). They will be easily influenced to adopt the same lifestyle and eventually abandon schooling. This, coupled with poverty in the urban neighbourhoods where BME youths live, adds fuel to the problem. Because of deprivation, these youths view gang activities as a shortcut to making ends meet for themselves and their families. Interestingly, social media has been cited by some studies as one of the underlying reasons for the recent spate of stabbing attacks in London (Irwin-Rogers and Pinkey, 2017).

According to the Metropolitan Police, most killings are caused by gang related issues and fuelled by drugs (Farrington et al., 2017). Whereas these factors can be attributed to the rise in violence and stabbings, the same institution has previously admitted that budget cuts on police funding have occasioned a challenge in policing high crime neighbourhoods. Similarly, youth services which were instrumental in implementing programmes dealing with gang violence have been hit by budget cuts (Edward et al., 2015). These cuts have had a ripple effect on the ability of the local authorities to enhance prevention and deterrence of crime as well as support the young and poor from the BME groups. As consequence, there are less officers and service providers available to offer support to needy youths about to be caught up in violence or already engaged in the same. Overall, BME groups are at a higher risk of being victims of crime including violence owing to their predisposition to difficult circumstances. Most BME youths who fall victim to knife-related killings and violence live in high crime neighbourhoods (Torjesen, 2018). Unfortunately, there is a long history of police mistrust that precludes the police’s ability to effectively deal with such cases. This lack of confidence in the police emanates from the belief that the law enforcement agencies do not take crimes committed against blacks seriously. Moreover, this belief may not be entirely dismissed considering the racial disparities between BME groups and white majority in terms of employment opportunities, housing and standards of life. Additionally, the victims tend to shy away from formal agencies that could provide the necessary support (Williams et al., 2014). Normally, it would be easier for them to approach institutions like the church, school or employers. It means that there are many crimes that are committed against BME youths that go unreported and such case could push up the crime statistics to portray the real picture. In response to violence, such victims sometimes opt to protect themselves (Young, 2016). Instances of protecting oneself amongst the victims includes keeping away from certain places or even going as far as acquiring knifes to defend themselves or retaliate against an attack. As a consequence of police mistrust, such mechanisms are the alternatives for victims who shy away from reporting their ordeals.

1.2 Aim

This paper seeks to investigate issues surrounding knife related killings and violence in BME youths in London. Accordingly, it will pay particular attention to the statistics on the cases of knife-related deaths and violence in London. Eventually, it will focus on the state of such violence in London neighbourhoods inhabited by BME youths and also look at the role of social workers in light of the above problems. Onwards, it will delve into the actual causes and drivers for the unprecedented violence among this group of youths. In this path, the paper will extensively consider the role of the government authorities and the community in the increased violence among BME youths. As a result of the high crime rates and violence in BME youths, there has been a corresponding negative effect on the same category of youths as victims. In most cases the perpetrators and victims live in the same neighbourhoods hence heightened violence cuts both ways. In the end, this paper intends to provide insight into possible solutions to the problem by doing an in-depth evaluation of the root causes of the vice as well as experiences of the victims in the same setting.

1.3 Objectives

In pursuit of the aim of this research, the following objectives are at the core of the study:

To investigate the causes of violence in BME youths

To evaluate the impact of violence in BME youths on victims and society as a whole

To investigate the effect of youth violence to social work

1.4 Research questions

In order to meet the above objectives, this study will answer the following questions in furtherance of the aims of the study. These are as shown below:

What are the causes of violence among BME youths?

What are the impacts of violence among BME youths?

What is the effect of youth violence on social work?

1.5 Rationale and justification

There has been increasing violence in London characterised by knife related attacks and violence since 2018 (Robert, 2019). People have lost their lives and families left grieving for their loved ones while others are still fighting for their lives in hospitals. The situation in BME neighbourhoods is disturbing owing to the increasing cases of youths engaging in violence and also being killed. Further, there are no signs of reduction of the violence in these communities of London. It appears that the current framework as designed is either not working or needs to be revamped to reflect the situational needs. Therefore, it is important that the situation be evaluated with the aim of offering alternative solution to the existing mechanisms already applied by the stakeholders including police, social workers, probation officers and councils. Reports indicate that black, Asian and mixed race people are more likely to be both suspects and victims of crime in the UK (Race Disparity Audit, 2018). Similarly, this phenomenon trickles down to London and is reflected in the current crime rates in BME youths. This necessitates an investigation into the causes and impacts of violence in BME communities with the sole aim of providing tailor made solutions to the problem. However, this cannot be achieved by merely looking at the general UK population of BME versus whites. The study has to narrow down the investigation into London neighbourhoods inhabited by the BME youths in order to assess the real situation.

Implementation of verdicts

2.0 Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

Knife related killings and violence in London has been on the rise in recent years (Brennan, 2018). A further investigation reveals that BME youths are greatly involved in knife attacks either as perpetrators or victims. In this regard, there are special conditions that make this group vulnerable to such violence. There are a number of materials on the state of violence in BME youths in London and UK at large (Braga et al., 2017; Brennan, 2018). This chapter will focus on the reasons for heightened violence in BME youths, the effect of such violence on the victims and the society at large. Lastly this chapter will entail a detailed analysis of the role of the government (social work) in youth violence and possible solutions to the prevalent violence. These are as discussed below:

2.2 Understanding the problem

2.2.1 BME and Youth Violence- Definition

According to the Office of National Statistics, the term Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) communities or groups is used in the UK to refer to members of various British and international ethnicities including Bangladeshi, India, White and Asian mixed, Pakistani, Chinese, Black African, White and African Caribbean mixed Black Caribbean, other Black background Asians and other mixed background and other ethnic background. Therefore, youth violence among BME groups refers all the above-mentioned groups. Contextually, 73 per cent of perpetrators and 53 per cent of victims of knife attacks carried out in London are attributed to BME groups (Office of National Statistics, 2018). Generally, young people are at the centre of youth violence, both as instigators and victims. As a result, changes in the demographics of BME youth will subsequently lead to change in the volume of knife crime. UK government report for 2018 indicates that changes in the number of 29 year olds did not correspond with the increase in knife crimes in London (HM Government, 2018). Interestingly, the same report show that there has been a steady increase in the number of vulnerable population since 2014. The Serious Violence Strategy considers children in care, homeless adults and children excluded from school as those falling under vulnerable population. It general, it appears that the spike in knife attacks can reasonably be traced to the challenges facing young people and in this context, BME youths (HM Government, 2018).

According to Densley and Stevens (2015), youth violence refers to violence that involves persons including adolescents, children and young adults between the ages of 10 and 24 (Densley and Stevens, 2015). A young person engaged in such violence may be a perpetrator or a victim and in some cases, both. Youth violence covers an array of aggressive behaviours including the use of force or threat of force to harm other persons. It includes acts ranging from simple bullying and fighting to homicide or physical assault. Accordingly, the above definition fits the situation in London with regard to BME youths. In support of the above, statistics indicate that 41 per cent of knife offenders are persons aged between 15 and 19 (Office for National Statistics, 2018). Further, another 17 per cent of knife offenders fall between the ages of 20 and 24, which means that offenders below the age of 25 accounts for two-thirds of knife stabbings in London (ibid).

2.2.2 Analysis of Youth Violence in BME youths

Young people do not grow up in a vacuum and from a tender age, they are surrounded by family members, at least in most cases. Therefore, family plays a big role in the manner in which they grow up and relate to the society. According to Young et al. (2013), there is a correlation between gang culture and family. In his study, he conducted interviews in London, Scotland and West Midlands. The study found that youths who were in gangs were experiencing challenges in their families. These difficulties varied from economic problems, alcohol abuse, domestic violence, family separation among other factors. These claims as put forward are largely similar to the World Health Organization approach to the risk factors for youth violence around the world. Consequently, Young suggests that there more to the youth violence than just the family. He goes ahead to point out that gang formation, membership and criminality have ties to the family structure. Further, Young insists that a weak family structure, lack of parental supervision and poor relationship between parent and the child are some of the factors which increases the possibility of juvenile delinquency. Once a child has become delinquent, he/she is vulnerable to criminal tendencies including violence and gang membership. He also adds that naturally, parents should be able to dictate the direction of the life of their child by prescribing a moral compass to be adhered to (Young et al., 2013). However, when the family structure is weak or disorganized the parents will either be preoccupied with other things or lose the functional authority to guide their children. When parents of young people themselves are inundated with challenges; they may not even be aware of the behaviour of their children and even if they are, they feel that they are unable to control them. On social deprivation and unemployment, a study shows that such conditions will make life difficult for the family to maintain social control over youths (Cribb et al., 2018). A pattern of defiance will subsequently develop and young people will join gangs, engage in drug trade and embrace violence. The work of Young is basically pushing the agenda that troubled families are at a high risk of losing control over the young people hence increased chances of their engagement in youth violence. In some cases, families are complicit in the criminal acts of young people hence encourages youth violence in such families and the same extends to the streets (Heeks et al., 2018). Following the above, Pitts (2015) suggests that it is still dangerous to be young and black in the UK. In his observation, a majority of the population in poor neighbourhoods in England are youthful. As a consequence, it is no surprise that the majority of both victims and perpetrators in London are BME youths. Pitts contends that youth violence in settings similar to BME neighbourhoods as in this case, takes place majorly along the streets and around schools. Additionally, Pitts observes that the number of BME youths in prisons and Young Offender Institutions shows an overrepresentation given that the population of the same group in the UK stands at less than 15 per cent.

Clement, on the other takes a different approach to the youth violence among BME youths. He suggests that there has been a pattern of discrimination in UK which has led to the increasing youth violence. In his view, the authorities have preferred punishment over prevention and correction. Young people from the BME groups have been punished without a framework to identify vulnerable ones from an early stage with the aim of helping them escape crime. The result is that youth violence has become institutionalised instead of resolving the problem. Further the policy of long-term sentences as a deterrent measure simply works to alienate the offenders from the society by placing away for longer with no attempt to change the process (Clement, 2010). It follows that youths in BME communities grow up disillusioned and with no hope for a better future owing to the lack of opportunities for vocational, psychological and educational development. As a result many families housed in the social housing projects are majorly segregated in terms of employment opportunities. Therefore, government policies have contributed to the exclusion of BME groups leading harsh conditions for the youths who turn to violence to survive and also as a distraction from reality.

2.2.3 Gangs and violence

The Centre for Social Justice defines gangs as ‘relatively durable, predominantly street-based group of young people who see themselves as a discernible group, engage in criminal activity and violence, identify with or lay claim over territory, have an identifying structural feature, and are in conflict with other, similar gangs’ (Centre for Social Justice, 2009). In light of the above definition of gangs, it is apparent that it comprises different traits and presents a social problem. Knife related killings in the UK have been attributed to the rise in gang culture in cities like London. In fact, one report indicated in 2008 that one in five youth crimes in London involved gangs (Brand and Ollereanshaw, 2008). Further, the Metropolitan Police’s report showed that 19 boroughs of the capital were affected by gang-related activities. Gang culture in London and UK at large is a multifaceted social conundrum that is fuelled by other contributing factors like drugs, social inequalities, poverty and among others. Young boys are driven into gangs because of their difficult situations both economically and socially. The kind of neighbourhoods that most BME youths hail from are infested with gangs that deal in drugs. As a result of the harsh economic conditions in such neighbourhoods, youths including those in school and drop-outs engage in drug peddling for different reasons. For some, they may not have a choice given that they are recruited and ordered by gang leaders to sell and distribute drugs. In some cases, young boys will voluntarily engage in gang activities including drug use and sale due to peer pressure or just by virtue of being idle. A report by the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research indicates that knife carrying and gang membership begins as early as 13 years (McVie, 2010). The same report cites social depravation as major cause of the above phenomena. Individually, youth violence and gang involvement can be attributed to various factors. A study by the Home Office indicates that youths who display lack of guilt and empathy have a tendency to engage in gang activities. The same study suggests that a young person’s history of physical violence and aggression may incline them towards gang involvement. Additionally, youths who have past criminal activity and portray a positive attitude towards delinquency will be attracted to gang activities. Therefore, it appears that an individual with the above traits has a predisposition to gang activities and the same can be treated as risk factors for youth engagement in crime.

Risk factors in the family setting are different from those experienced at an individual level. The socio-economic status of a youth’s family has a bearing on the possibility of joining a gang. Disadvantaged families’ in terms of socio-economic status leaves youths in a vulnerable position such that they can easily be exploited by gangs. A young person will easily engage in gang activities including selling of drugs if they are assured of payment at the end of the task. However, this places them at risk of conflict with the justice system. Families exhibiting abuse and violence also affect the predisposition of a youth to gang membership. Depending on the extent of the abuse and violence, a child from such a family may adopt the same tendencies against other people.

2.2.4 Social deprivation and violence

A latest report by City Intelligence that brings together data ranging from 2012 to 2018 from the British Transport Police, NHS, Metropolitan Police and the London Ambulance Service covers extensively youth violence (City Intelligence, 2019). This report was funded by City Hall and with the aim of understanding key drivers for serious youth crime in London for remedial action. More importantly, it points to evidence of a link between violence and social inequality in London. In this regard, three-quarters of the boroughs in London exhibiting highest levels of violence fall within the top ten most deprived boroughs. The same deprived boroughs characterised with violence were also found to have higher proportions of children under the age of 20 living in poverty below the London average. It also indicates that one in every four young Londoners are living in the most deprived parts of the city. In light of the City Intelligence Report, there is a strong link between poverty and youth violence in London. This link is two faced in that it covers both the victims and the instigators alike. It means that there is also a link between social deprivation levels of the victims and exposure to violence. As a result, victim of youth violence were found to face income deprivation, employment deprivation and health deprivation and disability. In support of the above report, earlier studies show that there is a correlation between poverty, income inequality and different types of violent crimes (Sethi et al., 2010). Rufrancos et al. (2013) found that homicide, robbery and murder are associated with income inequality. However, there is a dearth of evidence-based research on relationship between changes in income inequality and changes in youth violence over time. Existing studies that have delved into this relationship have noted that the correlation is not uniform owing to the different nature of offences. The difference arises when certain categories of crime like homicide are often reported than offences like rape and assault (Rufrancos et al., 2013). Despite the variance in reporting of different categories of crime, there is evidence of correlation between levels of income and violence at the societal level. Notably, there is evidence that higher levels of inequality lead to higher rates of crime (Sethi et al., 2010). In other studies, it was found that social inequalities had a different correlation with the rate of crime with regard to different offences (Cribb et al, 2018). Unequal resource distribution among BME communities would most likely lead to the same results as found in the above studies. Hence, BME youths are at risk of engaging in violent crimes and being victims of the same. The conditions in some boroughs as highlighted in the City Intelligence report are deplorable thereby driving youths into crime and exposing others to the impacts of crime.

2.2.5 Policing challenge and approach

Police officers play a major role in maintenance of law and order. This role includes crime detection and prevention as opposed to the reactive response of arresting offenders when the crime is already committed. In order to effectively do their work, policing authorities in the UK have relied on laws as provided in various statutes since the Vagrancy Act 1824 which allowed an officer to stop and search an individual upon suspicion. The 1981 Brixton riots necessitated an investigation into the issues leading to such unrest. Accordingly, the Scarman Report identified the overuse of the stop and search power by the police especially against ethnic minorities. Lord Scarman found that the misuse of the stop and search powers had led to a breakdown of relations between the police and the communities they served. Black young people felt provoked, humiliated and hunted by the police irrespective of their innocence or guilt. They became hostile because they were sometimes stopped and searched for no apparent reason. This caused friction between community leaders in BME communities and the police thereby making policing even harder. Lord Macpherson’s inquiry into the murder of Stephen Lawrence also highlighted the unfair use of stop and search orders against people from BME communities. Although he acknowledged the usefulness of such powers in crime detection and prevention, Lord Macpherson found that there was a perception of institutional racism in the Metropolitan Police force. He thus recommended that tighter recording of stop and searches be implemented to avert the deteriorating relationship between minority communities and the police. Further, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2010 that there were no adequate safeguards to protect people against arbitrary stops and searches. Subsequently, the UK government has tried implementing policies such as the Best Use of Stop and Search to encourage compliance with a prescribed set of performance measures (HMIC, 2016). In the year ending 2016, stop and search had been used more than 380, 000 times compared to the 2010/2011 period when the use of these powers peaked at 1,200,000 times. More disturbingly, 250,000 people were stopped and searched in 2015/2016, and nothing was found on them (Home Office, 2016). Peter Keeling, in his study, has challenged the effectiveness of stop and search powers (Keeling, 2017). The study was carried out between 2016 and 2017 with BME men aged 15-26 in south London, north London, Birmingham, Manchester and Slough. He cites the Home Office report of 2016 on Operation BLUNT2 which increased the number of weapon searches with the aim of reducing knife crimes. However, a subsequent analysis of police records revealed that there was actually an increase in crimes involving sharp weapons. Similarly, the New York Police Department experienced a 23 percent reduction in crime in 2011 when weapon searches were halted. It follows that a reduction in the use of stop and search powers has no correlation with increase in crime as has been alleged by some players in the criminal justice system. It is his contention that even in instances where the said powers were useful in crime prevention and detection, the effectiveness was short-lived and highly localised. Further, those advocating for the use of the stop and search powers have not considered the damaging effects it has on the BME youths and community relations.

In support of the above assertions, black people in the UK are six times more likely to be stopped and searched by law enforcement officers as white people. In addition to this, the stop and search powers have had unintended consequences on the BME youths. Law enforcement authorities may intend to prevent violence in the streets by opting to stop and searching suspected gang members but this approach sometimes pushes innocent BME youth into gangs as a reactionary response to being labelled as such. According to McAndles et al. (2016), there is no correlation between a reduction in crime as a result of increased search and stop powers. Effects of police stops and searches are merely short-lived and do not offer a long term solution to the problem of youth violence. The impact of the overuse or misuse of the above powers is that youths that have interacted with police develop negative perceptions against them hence making it difficult provide them with the necessary support. Unfortunately, the stop and search orders have been misused so much that some members of the BME community feel that they are strangers in the criminal justice system. BME youths now view police as strangers who are hell-bent on making their lives difficult. The dislike for police has heightened it will take a lot to restore their trust in the law enforcement agencies. Keeling relies on YouGov Polling which found that at least 1.5 million young BME people think that their communities are unfairly targeted by stop and search powers of the police. Another 0.5 million young BME people are less proud to be British citizens as a result of their knowledge of the application of the stop and search (Keeling, 2017.

2.2.6 Mental health and violence

The mental health of a young person plays a major role in their development and who they grow up to be. Young people deal with mental issues like anger, aggression, body image and anxiety disorders. Mental illnesses just like other diseases can be caused by response to environmental stresses or biochemical reactions. Considering the nature of the neighbourhoods where BME youths reside, an environment where gangs, drugs and carrying knifes is rife will most likely affect a young person and influence them into joining the crime bandwagon. At times, metal health issues are caused by family related issues that drive young people into adopting a violent life where they can vent their anger and feel normal. Individual conditions of young people and adverse childhood environments can be exacerbating factors for violent behaviour, especially where childhood mistreatment is involved (Sethi et al, 2010). Young people who are exposed to physical and sexual abuse have been strongly associated with violent behaviour. Although anti-social behaviour is also linked to violence, physical and sexual abuse tend to have a greater influence on violent tendencies. Further evidence is provided by Braga (2017) who argues that traumatic experiences of young people have a strong link to a subsequent criminal and violent proclivities. Essentially, children who have had troubled childhood including disturbing childhood attachments tend to opt for self-preservation and anti-social behaviour. As a consequence, they lose compassion for other people thereby providing a recipe for criminal and violent behaviour with no personal guilt or remorse. Trauma related to exposure to violence as a victim has also been found to be a contributing factor (Ardino, 2012). Consequently, young men who have been victims of violence in a given neighbourhood will be more likely to carry a weapon for self-protection. In some instances, victims of violence seek revenge against their perpetrators and they see retaliation as a way of preserving their safety and demanding ‘street respect’. A national study in the USA found that victimisation and weapon carrying among youth were related. Both victims and perpetrators in bullying scenarios are predisposed to carrying weapons compared to other youths (Yun and Hwang, 2011). According to the City Intelligence Report, victims aged between 10 and 16 are mostly likely attacked during school finishing times while those aged between 18 and 24 are attacked mostly at night. Further, the report found that 55 percent of the offenders had mental health issues while another 21 percent had learning disabilities. This data adds credibility to the suggestion that mental health has a correlation with levels of violence in youths. BME youths in London facing mental health illnesses are therefore at a risk of engaging in violent crimes they are not put into care and offered support. BME youths are over-represented as victims of serious youth violence in London. Statistics show that 39 percent of the victims are of white ethnic background whereas 26 percent are from a black ethnic background. This is a high number considering that black young people only accounts for 17 per cent of young person population in London. BME youths in neighbourhoods that shames or humiliate them for not being part of gangs or for not engaging in crime has negative implications for affinity to violence. In the end, youths who have been victims of violent crimes and have been shamed or humiliated will resort to an alternative to suffering and require respect from others. A survey conducted in Great Britain reveals that youths who described themselves as gang members exhibited high levels of mental illness, evidence of traumatisation and use of mental health services (Coid et al, 2013). Another survey conducted in England and Wales showed that youths aged up to 25 years who carried knifes were mostly male, lacked faith in the police, past offenders, violent victimisation, and drug use at least in the past year (Brennan, 2018). It also found that social disorder in the society was an indicator violent behaviour in young people.

2.2.7 Youth violence and social work

The World Health Organization estimates that at least 200,000 young people die each year as a result of youth violence (WHO, 2015). It also lists youth violence as the fourth leading cause of death in young people worldwide. According to WHO, youth violence involves children and young adults between the ages of 10 to 29 and takes the form of dating violence, homicide assault, bullying, fighting and emotional abuse. The impacts of youth violence whether visible or otherwise include: mental health problems, harmful use of tobacco, drugs and alcohol, poor performance in school and being a victim of violence as an adult or committing it. Youth violence is harmful to communities because it results into social disorder, fear and anxiety. Further, economies are drained of resources that would otherwise have been applied to development, in terms of health care, judicial and legal costs. Youth violence is a societal issue that requires a holistic approach. A one dimensional approach based solely on the criminal justice system appears to be inadequate in the face of the recent exacerbated knife attacks in London. The criminal justice players may be doing everything by the book and implementing new policies every now and then but that is not enough to deal with a problem so deeply rooted in a society like youth violence. There is a general feeling among social workers that it is distant from the criminal justice system unlike the probation services and children service departments (Reid, 2019). Studies show that the social work and public health approach is one of the most effective and modern ways of dealing with youth violence (Williams et al., 2014). A public health approach views youth violence as a public health issue instead of a police matter. The approach has been successful in the USA and Scotland, particularly in Glasgow city. In Scotland, it involves a partnership between the police, social services, housing, education and community safety, who pulled together to come up with and put into action a systematic approach that goes into the root cause of youth violence. The success of the approach can be seen in the manner in which the number of young people killed with knives dropped drastically. Death toll dropped from 40 in the period 2006-2011, to 8 from 2011 to 2016 in Scotland. As consequence, Williams et al. (2014) preference for the public health approach makes sense. Currently, Lambeth and Hackney are among the few boroughs that have adopted the public health approach. According to Action for Children, there have been budget cuts for councils across England (UNISON, 2018). Notably, councils in London have faced the largest budget cuts. The organization is concerned that several charities and children’s centres are closing down and it is inevitable that thousands of children will be left without the necessary care and support needed. It follows that more children are increasingly at risk being denied access to social work services which play a crucial role in tackling youth violence at an earlier and manageable stage. In BME communities, youths who cannot access essential services from social workers could easily be perpetrators and victims of youth violence including substance abuse, criminal exploitation and mental health problems.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

Youth violence in the BME community is a disturbing phenomenon that has plagued London and UK at large for decades. However, with the technological advancements in information and communication, problem has spread fast and wide causing a lot of concerns in the country and world over. There is no single cure or settled prescription to the disease of youth violence. It appears that the criminal justice system cannot single handed deal with the problem, therefore, a multifaceted approach has been adopted to try and bring about a long term solution. In order to understand the reasons behind youth violence and its impacts, it is important that theories explaining the phenomenon be part of this paper in the ensuing section.

2.3.1 Biosocial theory

Early criminologists like Cesare Lombroso maintained that criminals had certain physical characteristics that indicated their criminal tendencies. The proponents of this theory have belaboured to identify the biological indications of crime and violence and have argued that biochemical conditions such as those acquired from diet can influence violent behaviour. Biocriminologists suggest that since the brain functions normally at a minimum level of vitamins and minerals, nutritional deficiencies during childhood can cause serious mental, behavioural and physical problems. Studies have also shown a link between antisocial behaviour and lack of vitamins C, B6 and B3. Further, diets of high sugar and carbohydrates have been found to have correlation with aggression, violence and other behavioural issues (Seigel and McCormick, 2006). When foetuses are exposed to high levels of alcohol in the womb they will as children develop Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS) which entails deviant behaviour and developmental delays. Such children could have speech problems, learning difficulties and inability to foresee the result of their actions In relation to youth violence among BME communities, this theory explains certain aspects of behaviour exhibited by some youths. Generally, BME youths hail from socio-economically deprived parts of the capital and it is very possible that there could be nutritional challenges during their childhood. This would explain the anti-social behaviour, aggressiveness and the lack of compassion evident in some of the violent youths in the BME communities. Alcohol and substance misuse are some of the common problems in deprived areas of London hence parents who are alcoholics are likely to have children exhibiting violent behaviour. Some criminologists maintain that the most preferable remedy for such behaviour is biological treatments of young people exhibiting such tendencies.

2.3.2 Economic Deprivation Theories

There various theories that have attempted to link economic conditions and crime. Conflict theory which is foundationally placed upon Marxism explains that there is a class struggle in capital societies due to economic exploitation. This theory suggests that the lower class are oppressed and in poverty hence are discontent, and crime is way of rebelling against the economic exploitation. Engels (1969) builds on Marx’s theory positing that lower class are constantly brutalized in almost all aspects of their lives, so much that they come to be believe that brutality is a solution to problems that they face. The proponents of these theory maintain that rebellion or revolution is the only way in which the political and social order can be broken to allow for redistribution of resources. According to Hagen (1994), inequality in a society can lead to a diminished self-esteem and encourage a negative self-image which is likely to culminate into crime. The proponents of this theory insist that when people feel powerless in the society they resort to criminal and delinquent acts in order to assert control, get noticed or make mark on the world. Consequently, economic deprivation theories are a reflection of the roots of violence in BME communities. Young people living in poor neighbourhoods in London can be said to be experiencing the same frustration explained by the conflict theory. A number of BME youths involved in violence are from financially challenged backgrounds compared to other affluent parts of London. This can push such young people into violence including carrying knifes as a way of proving to the society that they are actually not powerless. These youths could be frustrated by the living conditions in their neighbourhoods and may resort to brutalization including knife attacks as a way passing a message to the society that they fed up with the current order of the society. Unlike the French Revolution that involved a huge number of the people, young BME persons are just but a fraction of the London population hence theirs will never be a revolution but a message that should be taken seriously by the criminal justice system. However, in some cases it is just a case of economically deprived youth attempting to acquire, through violence, certain goods that they do not have. It is thus only plausible that inequalities in the society are addressed as a long term solution to youth violence instead of punishment of offenders.

2.3.3 Social Disorganization Theory

The proponents of this theory were Shaw and McKay who conducted a research in Chicago (Shaw and McKay, 1942). In neighbourhoods with high crime rates, the study found that the rates remained high despite the racial or ethnic group that inhabited the place. Therefore, Shaw and McKay concluded that a neighbourhood could have certain characteristics that account for the high crime affinity regardless of the race that lived there. In particular, the study found that socio-economically deprived areas tended to be inhabited by newly arrived immigrants of different ethnicities and races. They considered such areas as socially disorganized in that they comprised of different ethnicities that kept coming in and moving out, and social institutions like schools, churches and family were weak and incapable of controlling behaviour youths. Their study maintained that socially disorganized neighbourhoods promoted youth violence and crime because there was no behavioural control mechanisms and cultural transmission of delinquent values. A family has an important role in the developmental process of young people in BME communities. Family values are carried over from generation to generation. When there is social disorganization through family disruption, parents lose control of their children and they may develop delinquent behaviours including aggression and violence. In this regard, Sampson identified the family structure as an important element in fostering or diminishing social disorganization (Sampson, 1986). Sampson suggests that the fact that a family is headed by either parents, one or none plays an important role in social cohesion. Although this theory is based on research from the USA, it is relevant to the youth violence situation in London. This is because, in both cases, the concerned population is relatively poor and majorly consists of BME youths and immigrants.

2.3.4 Social Control and Self Control Theories

Sociologists argue that the society is built on certain concepts of social control such as family and schools. They maintain that these institutions of control are the magnet that holds people together in the society so that they do no run into crime and violent behaviour. In comparison with the other theories above, it takes a totally different approach in explaining youth violence. Sociologists like Hirschi explain and gives reasons why people refrain from crime. This is different with the socio-economic depravation theories which explain why people are drawn to crime. For this reason, the social control theory presents an interesting perspective to crime especially for researchers looking to provide holistic solutions to youth violence. Accordingly, Hirschi lists attachment, involvement, commitment and belief as the pillars of bonds between individuals and the family or school. Siegel and McCormick support the proposition that the four foundational values are the barriers that shield individuals from offending (Siegel and McCormick, 2006). In view of the social control theory, studies show that young persons who have exhibited greater attachments to their parents are unlikely to be drawn into crime o delinquent behaviour. Further, male adolescents who were not monitored by their parents exhibited high levels of proactive aggression and even violence. This leads to the assumption that parenting support has a correlation with the delinquency in youths. Contrastingly, one study maintains that parental attachment has no correlation with youth delinquency (Brannigan et al., 2002). Concerning school attachment, Sprott suggests that a strong attachment to school was associated with less delinquency (Sprott, 2004). Additionally, there was a positive connection between parental and school attachment in that students who exhibited both attachments were less likely to engage in violent behaviour. However, this theory has been criticised given that the same concepts of social control can be used to explain serious offending behaviour. Despite the shortcomings of the social control theory, it provides insight into the role of family, schools and community in preventing youth violence. It outlines important aspects of social control that informs behaviour in the society. It follows that young BME people will refrain from offending if institutions like family, school and the community maintain control over them. For this to happen, there must exist an attachment between individual youths and these institutions. It is that attachment that will deter them from engaging in delinquent behaviour. As it is, BME families face many challenges including lack of parental control over young people and little or no attachment between youths and the school or community, in some cases.

2.4 Conclusion

Youth violence among BME people is a convoluted issue that goes beyond knife attacks in London. There is more to the issue than meets the eye, including historical perspectives. This chapter has delved into the reasons behind youth violence including social economic deprivation, policing approach, gang membership and mental health issues. In addition to this, this chapter has explored the effect of youth violence on social work and also the response of social workers and their plight for more funding. In the end, the theoretical framework provides an explanation as to the roots of youth violence and the same applied to BME communities. In order to find a long term solution to the London knife violence, a holistic approach that takes into account the above issues should be adopted by the concerned players like, police, schools, communities, families, council leadership and social workers.

3.0 Methodology

3.1 Introduction

Knife attacks in London has been a common area study for many researchers (Neil, 2005; Max and Yvonne, 2011). More importantly, the reasons and impacts of knife related violence in London among BME youths is a less travelled path. In the previous chapters, the study has been around the theoretical aspects of BME youth violence. This chapter rises above theory to provide a methodological aspect by which data was collected for this study. In order to do this, a link must exist between the theoretical aspects of the research problem with measurable notions. Generally, the subject of this chapter will be the approaches used in the research including research techniques and methodologies in the collection data. Of importance to note, is the fact that this chapter will compare and analyse various studies, as it will purpose to conduct a secondary research, which will be rounded out with 2 staff interviews. Secondary research will involve a selection of relevant journal articles, whereas the interview will engage social workers in the city of London, who are concerned with the issue of youth violence, with specific concern amongst the black and minority ethnic group.

3.2 Methods used in obtaining the articles

This study used the following credible databases: PsycINFO, EBSCOhost, EMBASE and ProQuest. Notably, firstly, taking a look at PsycINFO, and EBSCOhost, these electronic databases aid in retrieving relevant information that relate to youth violence and knife crime. The databases also provide a variety of biographical, as well as full content reading articles. Moreover, they have over a million references for various international journals. Most significantly, these databases receive frequent updates. Of importance to also note, is the fact that these databases cover extensive subjects that focus on researches for violence and youth crime issues. And the records they have entail indexes that have youth crime headings, and also provide concise criterion for searching for significantly more standardized terms. On the other hand, whilst considering EMBASE and ProQuest databases, it should be noted that these databases entail unique contents. They contain pre-viewed journal articles, as well as smart tools that aid in tracking and analysing numerous other researches, used in psychology fields, social sciences fields and even health sciences. Owing to the fact that numerous researches have been regarded as interdisciplinary, it should be noted that EMBASE and ProQuest databases make is possible for various researchers to be able to acquire relevant and obtainable researches, which are significantly critical and analytical. Overall, it is evident that the databases contain abstracts, peer-reviewed journals, as well as psychological web pages.

3.3 Criteria for inclusion and exclusion

3.3.1 Inclusion criteria

This study put into consideration, the relevancy, and also the credibility, plus coherence of arguments, which various authors presented in order to be able to select the most appropriate scholarly books, as well as journals. Notably, the selection was focuses on the articles that entailed extensive content. In this regard, the abstracts and also titles were reviewed. Most importantly, the articles that were included focused deeply on the discussion based on BME youth violence (precisely knife crime) in London. This study only used journal articles that were published not more than 13 years ago and more importantly, the review also included studies that were communicated in English. Other important factors of inclusion included the following: this study included articles that had randomized control trials, quasi-experimental, as well as cross-sectional studies. In this regard, the included studies had to either purpose on evaluating the impact of crime/violence among the BME youth in London, and the impact of preventive youth crime intervention by use of either qualitative or quantitative methodology. The included studies were those that also focused on preventative interventions that aimed towards reducing the involvement of BME youths in knife crime, as well as violence. Whilst research indicates that a majority of youths that are involved in knife crime are between the age bracket of 12 to 24yrs, this study acknowledged that the definitions of youths often vary and that a strict cut-off was not appropriate. In this regard, this study purposed to extent the age range and as such, it included studies, which had its participants between the age of 10 to 29 years. This was primarily to ensure that the range (age) was broad enough to be ascertain that programs related to tertiary prevention targeted current, as well as ex-youth crime offenders. Amongst the included studies, the interventions had to adopt a preventive approach, with were implemented at primary, secondary, or even tertiary prevention stages. Notably, there is a variety of activities falling under the category of preventive intervention. However, generally, preventive interventions often focus on the concept of capacity building or even social prevention, in order to prevent or rather, reduce youth violence among the BME group in London. It is significant to take note of the fact that this review took undertook a broad approach to the stated intention, of the intervention towards reducing or preventing youth violence or gang crime. Finally, it is clear that the included studies purposed to address the impacts of preventive interventions towards reducing youth crime in London and thus, these studies measured a variety of outcomes. These outcomes included changes in youth gang participation, and also the changes in the adverse consequences of activities related to youth crime in London and this include violence, as well as levels of crime. Moreover, this review also accepted the inclusion of all the outcomes that related to individual, as well as aggregate measures connected to participation in youth crime/ youth violence in London.

3.3.2 Exclusion criteria

Basically, this review ensured that the articles that were significantly excluded were those that had been published long ago, and this is more than 13 years ago. There was also the exclusion of articles that lacked primary research data. Of importance to take note of is the fact that the exclusion also included studies that are irrelevant to the discussion topic, and as such, these were articles that failed in aiming at discussing youth violence (knife crime) among the BME group in London. The review also excluded studies that were not communicated in English. Owing to the fact that this review only included studies, where participants were BME youths between the ages of 10 to 29 years, it is evident that it excluded studies, whose participants included groups that were described as militia, organized crime gangs, piracy gangs, as well as civil war combatants. This study also excluded studies that had a broad-based intervention, which were aimed at youths that were at risk, and these were studies that failed to explicitly target involvement in youth gangs, or rather, participation in youth gangs. This review excluded programs, which targeted common risk factors, especially various negative social outcomes that include youth crime membership. This is owing to the fact that the review focused on programs, which aimed at reducing membership in youth gangs or crime. Finally, as this review included the intervention that aim towards reducing or preventing youth violence or gang crime, it significantly excluded the interventions, which achieved this aim by using suppression strategies, was well as tactics, which included focused legislation, or even increased law enforcement.

3.4 Conclusion

Based on the provisions in this chapter, it is evident that this review was able to select the most appropriate articles for inclusion and also exclude those that did not meet the eligibility criteria. Notably, it is clear that the selected studies were relevant, owing to the fact that they aided in meeting the expectations of the following chapters, and thus, meet the general objective and aim of this study.

4.0 Results and Discussion

4.1 Introduction

Based on the provisions of the previous chapter, this chapter purposes to provide the findings derived from the articles that were included in this study. Moreover, this study will focus on the findings derived from the interview conducted on two staff workers in London. Thereafter, this chapter will provide a discussion of the findings.

4.2 Search results

The systematic search on the English databases produced a total of 450 records. This initial search was conducted, with an aim of providing source documents, based on several systematic reviews that are related, and as it was anticipated, it is evident that the search produced more hits, which were relevant to this review. In refining the results, 150 articles were excluded, owing to the fact that they were duplicate and this resulted to 300 articles, which remained for screening. Notably, some of the databases allowed the articles to be exported to excel, whereas others did not allow direct export and as such, the screening process was conducted simultaneously. In this regard, 275 articles were excluded, owing to the fact that they did not have primary researches in their content, as this was mandatory in the inclusion. As such, the remaining articles were 25 in total. The remaining articles were taken for critical assessment of their full-text content, in order to ascertain if they were fully eligible for inclusion. Based on this result, 21 of the 25 articles were excluded, owing to the fact that their full-text contexts did not provide a detailed discussion regarding youth violence in London among the BME group. Only 4 articles were obtained in this systematic review: A flow chart to demonstrate this explanation is as provided below:

Flow chart

4.3 Description of the studies

Four studies were selected as eligible for this study. In this regard, a summary of the studies are as follows. Moreover, a brief overview is provided in the figure below.

4.3.1 Population

The study conducted by Brenneman (2009) was conducted, based on field observations, as well as interviews with 63 ex-youth gang members. On the other hand, the study conducted by McLean & Lobban (2009) was conducted using a household survey, which included 940 participants, as well as significant interviews with focus groups (key informants). Pastrán and Lanzas (2006) also conducted a study, in which the focus group of participants had a total of 24 individuals. In this study, the researchers used semi-structured interviews with various project stakeholders, as well as a document review for significant project files. The final study conducted by Strocka (2009) involved participant participation, wherefore there was a pre-post questionnaire and also, a follow-up on the observation was made. The total number of participants for the study was 24.

4.3.2 Intervention

Notably, four interventions were regarded as highly diverse. In this regard, three of the interventions, which included the study of Brenneman (2009), McLean & Lobban (2009) and Strocka (2009) were tertiary and they aimed at helping youths exit from knife crime or reduce gang conflict. Brenneman (2009) purposed to examine significant religious conversion as being the most suitable method of assisting youths to exit from violence. On the other hand, McLean and Lobban (2009) stressed on peace management initiative, as a vital program, which targets youths that are involved in violence and this should be combined with significant mediation, therapy, as well as counselling. Notably, these scholars noted that social development programs purposed to bring neighbouring communities together. In addition, Strocka (2009), having conducted a quasi-field experiment, stressed that camping expedition, with entail social activities, as well as cooperative activities like music, drama, and cooking aided in bringing together rival manchas that were under non-violent condition, with the purpose of reducing conflict and criminal activities among the youths. Finally, the intervention used by Pastrán & Lanzas (226) was secondary intervention that targeted at-risk youths. In this regard, the project brought together at-risk adolescents in clubs and trained them, thus bringing forth action plans, which assisted in improving communities.

4.3.3 Study design

Two of the selected studies used qualitative research design. In this regard, Brenneman (2009), having used qualitative research, used coding interviews, as well as observations based on common themes. He collected his samples using snowball sampling. On the other hand, Pastrán and Lanzas (2006), also used a qualitative methodology called systematization of experiences approach, in order to distil the major themes of the intervention. The remaining two studies used mixed-methods methodology, whereby, McLean and Lobban (2009) used an evaluative approach, having qualitative findings that were supported by cross-sectional quantitative data survey, hospital, as well as police data. Finally, Strocka (2009) used a pre-post questionnaire with his participants, combined with qualitative participant observation, alongside follow-up observations, as well as conversations with the participants.

4.4 Responses from the social workers

4.4.1 Knife crime scenes

Two social workers were first asked whether knife crime incidents have been on a rise within the last three years. All of them responded to this question and as such, 1 of the participants noted that it had been on a rise, whereas the remaining 1 participant noted that it had not been on the rise, owing to some measures that have been taken towards curbing the increasing rate of knife crime among the youth.

4.4.2 Reporting crime

The social workers were asked whether the young BME in London report their crimes to the police and based on their responses, it is evident that half of the participants (50%) noted that young victims told the police, whereas the remaining half (50%) said that the young victims often fail to tell the police about the crimes they have committed. The following were some of the detailed responses, which the participants provided, regarding the reasons why the young victims failed to report their crimes “The young victims often feel that the crimes they are committing are not serious and are also less important. Another thing that I would like to mention is the poor perception and also poor experiences that young victims have with the police form a barrier to them from reporting the crime cases that they commit.” Participant 1 “Most of the young victims feel that the police cannot help them, rather, they feel that by reporting, they can be regarded as a snitch to the rest of the group. For this reason, they do not feel comfortable talking to the police. To crown this point, it is also clear that the young youths do not know the impact of them reporting to the police, owing to the fact that they feel that the actions of the police towards them might be grievous.” Participant 2

4.4.3 Stop and search

Given the impact of the stop and search on young BME individuals in London, the social workers were asked to give their opinion regarding the same and in this regard, 1 participant noted that it is wise for the police to use stop and search, whereas the other participant noted that it was not necessary for the police to use the stop and search strategy. Overall, it should be noted that there is a broad support for stop and search among the social workers, especially it is conducted in a procedural manner.

4.4.4 Reasons for committing crime

The social worker participants were asked some of the reasons as to why youths engage in knife crimes and all of them responded to this question, although they provided different opinions, which are as provided below: some of them said it happens because of boredom, pressure to fit in, exclusion, mental health, drug abuse, family, peer pressure, lack of societal role models, some lack places to go, as well as alcohol use among other factors. The participants stressed that having a young person engaging in knife crime implies that they may be a reason or more that pushes the individual to engage in knife crime.

4.4.5 Knife and gang crime

The participants were asked about the exposure of BME youths in London on gangs and knife crime. All of the participants answered this questions and some of the participants provided the following detailed explanations on the same. “I believe that young BME individuals in London purpose to carry knives, owing to the fact that they are not enough police, especially in the rough areas of London, which have big crime rates.” Participant 2 “I think young people feel unsafe in their residential areas, and as such, they carry knives and other dangerous weapons, with the fear of getting attacked” participant 1

4.4.6 Preventive measures

The social worker participants were as well asked about their opinion on the best ways that can be used in stopping young individuals from carrying knives and some of the participants provided the following answers: “It is important for police officers to be stationed particularly in rough residential areas, and as such, their work should just be standing around and have positive communications with young adults. In this regard, it is clear that young individuals need police officers that they can easily and freely interact with, in order to entrust respect, as well as trust” Participant 1 “Honestly, my opinion of the same is that there should be much focus on young individuals in London. Knife crime does not happen primarily because the individuals engaging in it are evil, rather, it is unfortunate that they get caught up in situations, which themselves, they do not know their severity. As such, I think the best way of handling this situation is to provide effective counselling services to the youth involved. Moreover, I think much focus should be laid in schools, as those are the places where young BME youths spend most of their time. It is then be the responsibility of teachers, and safety officers to teach young BME individuals on the negative impacts of knife crime.” Participant 2

4.5 Discussion

This thesis purposes to explore on significant social meanings that are applied to violence amongst young BME people living in areas with high rates of violence, as well as knife crimes in the city of London. Over the years, there has been tremendous increase in youth violence in the UK, which has then been a concern for the authorities for over two decades. It has led to loss of lives, grievous injuries and increased incarceration of the perpetrators. The results of this study, with regards to the findings of the study and the responses from the staffs provides a significant and encouraging picture regarding the safety of young BME individuals in London, owing to the fact that majority of the them feel that they are safe both in school and in their residences. Despite this fact, the results highlight the influence of various issues, which include gangs, violence, as well as knife crime upon the BME young individual’s feelings with regards to safety, which consequentially supports the continued drive that aims at tackling such kind of issues across London (Braga and Weisburd, 2011). Moreover, it should be noted that the results obtained from the survey highlight a significant overlap between a range of wider vulnerabilities and early crime victimization and this includes personal and vicarious exposure to various criminal offending, issues to do with individual well-being and the feeling of being unsafe. As such, it reinforces the importance of recognizing that there is a complex interplay between various vulnerabilities, especially when handling young people, and also ensuring that there are appropriate safeguarding measures that are put in place (Brand & Ollerenshaw, 2009). Some of the participants made it clear that they reported the crimes that they committed to the police, whereas others also noted that they were delighted by the services that were being rendered by the police. In this regard, it is evident that this reinforces the fact that it is important to continually drive improvements, especially to the services, which the police deliver, as well as other organizations, in order to ensure that young victims receive the optimum support that they need (Brennan, 2018). Whilst most of the young people form the white ethnic group often report the feeling of safety both at school and at their local residence, it is evident that the young BME individuals are notably less likely to feel safe as compared to those from the white background. Essentially, this feeling is sale, yet less pronounced for the individuals in the black background. For instance, Brand & Ollerenshaw (2009) conducted a survey, with the aim of determining the deeper opinions on various perceived problems either at school or at home and the table below presented the results from the study.

Based on the above table, it is worth noting that firstly, violence poses as an issue, which most of the BME youths perceive as a major problem in school and at home at a same degree. Secondly, for other issues, few people rate them to be a big problem at schools, whilst comparing them to their local residences. It is interesting to have a look at how young individuals perceive safety, especially in isolation. There are risk factors that can make a young BME that engages in knife crime to feel unsafe, especially in school and also at home. However, conversely significant improvements on these factors can benefit the impact that can be imposed on these people’s feelings regarding safety. Having a feeling of unsafety poses as a strong predictor of feeling unsafe in a local residence and vice versa (Clement, 2010). This then suggest that school and home environments are connected closely. Moreover, results also purposes to reinforce the influence of the perceptions of young people on serious violence upon their safety feelings and in illustrating this, the feeling of people joining gang and carrying knives pose as local problems with strong risk factors. Particularly, this is in support of the continued drive towards tackling youth violence issues in London (Coid et al., 2013). Although majority of the young BME Londoners feel safe, there should be steps aiming at reducing gang crime, youth violence, as well as knife crime. Analysis of the findings also indicate that a range of risk factors, which can make a young BME individual likely to become a crime victim and this include the following having a poor level of mental well-being, knowing or associating with someone who is already in a gang, having a bad perception of the police, feeling unsafe both at school and at home and having carried a knife personally (Cribb et al., 2018). Particularly, this is seen as an overlap between exposure to various aspects of violence and earlier victimization among young BME in London. In order to illustrate this, those knowing or associating with an individual in a gang or having carried a knife personally are more likely to acknowledge that they have been victims to a crime within the last 12 months. It is as well notable that these young victims also experience certain vulnerabilities that include poor levels of well-being and also an increased risk of feeling unsafe. In this regard, this suggests that young crime victims also experience various adversities, and this highlights a unique need for safeguarding amongst this group (Densley & Stevens, 2015). Analysis of the findings indicate that some of the significant risk factors for young BME individuals that have a negative overall opinion regarding the police include the following. Firstly, they feel that the police has failed to do good job in the local residential areas. Secondly, they feel that the police generally do not treat people fairly (Edwards et al., 2015). Thirdly, they have the feeling that they cannot rely on the police, especially in instances where they might need them. Fourthly, they feel that generally the police are never friendly and are also not helpful. Finally, it is also clear that the BME youth have a negative experience when it comes to stop and search. In light of the previous researchers into procedural justice and also police legitimacy, the importance of the perception of young people regarding police effectiveness and fairness aids in determining a wide perception of the police (HM Government, 2011).

The aforementioned findings reinforce the significance of considering the vital opportunities that assist in improving the perception of individuals from the minority ethnic groups regarding the police. Essentially, improvements are vital in this area, which in turn results into favourable opinions of the police to young people. Moreover, these findings purpose to influence the stop and search campaign amongst young people regarding the police (Max and Yvonne, 2011). Notably, when young individuals report positive stop and search encounters, there would be no adverse impacts on young individuals’ opinions regarding the police. On the contrast, when young BME individuals report negative stop and search encounters, the impact can be drastic as young people are the ones notable and likely to report the bad opinion regarding the police. Evidently, these findings provide a suggestion that stop and search may not be the encounter per-se that can be detrimental to the opinions of young people regarding the police, rather there should be an emphasis on the many in which the interaction is conducted (Keeling, 2017). In an instance where a young individual feels that he or she is treated well, potential negative impacts are buffered, based on a wide perception of the police. This is in line with the previous research, which emphasized on the significance of fair procedural interaction upon public confidence, as well as police legitimacy, plus potential disproportionate effect of negative interactions. It is worth noting that from the evidence provided, almost half of the individuals asked why they carried knives made it clear that they purpose to do so, for the sake of protection. Notably, this is linked to a wide feeling of safety, which is aligned to a general fear of crime in London that includes murder, sexual harassment, violence, as well as stealing amongst the young BME individuals. Clearly, some other themes emerged, which were voiced by a small proportion of individuals that includes particularly committing crime, harming and intimidating others by the influence of the gangs, desire to be branded as cool, hard or to gain some respect (McVie, 2010). It is also worth noting that young individuals should be educated on the realities, as well as consequences of carrying knives. In this regard, this kind of education ought to be multi-agency that involves schools, the police, charities, previous victims, as well as offenders and parents. Notably, this overlapped with significant comments regarding a wide communication, as well as understanding on behalf of the various different agencies that are referred to. Often, young people do express significant desire and as such, stressed on the significance of such agencies in engaging with their personal situations, viewpoints, as well as circumstances (Irwin-Rogers and Pinkney, 2017). Of importance is the fact that they highlight positive opportunities for significant multi-agency work that aid in educating young individuals on the impacts, as well as risks associated with carrying knives. Further, the results, based on this research stresses that a weak family structure, lack of parental supervision and poor relationship between parent and the child are some of the factors which increases the possibility of juvenile delinquency (Neil, 2005). Once a child has become delinquent, he/she is vulnerable to criminal tendencies including violence and gang membership. In addition to this, it is worth taking note of the fact that naturally, parents should be able to dictate the direction of the life of their child by prescribing a moral compass to be adhered to (Young et al., 2013). However, when the family structure is weak or disorganized the parents will either be preoccupied with other things or lose the functional authority to guide their children. When parents of young people themselves are inundated with challenges; they may not even be aware of the behaviour of their children and even if they are, they feel that they are unable to control them.

Overall, it is significant to note that based on the findings in this study, the aim of this study has been met and indeed, it can clearly be stated that the city of London has a deep-rooted problem concerning knife related deaths and violence among the youth. The violence among the youth is particularly disturbing among the Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) youth in London. Since time immemorial, there was hope among social workers that 2019 would bring new tidings with solutions to the cancerous vice. Unfortunately, more violence and deaths are still witnessed across London (Robert, 2019). As a result of this runaway vice, innocent BME youths have lost their lives and others have been injured (Skae 2017). This situation presents a loss to the society through loss of lives, medical costs and incarceration of the perpetrators.

5.0 Conclusion

This thesis makes it evident that youth violence among the BME youth in London poses as an issue that goes beyond knife attacks in London. There is more to the issue than meets the eye, including historical perspectives (Reid, 2019). This paper has been able to bring forth the reasons behind youth violence including social economic deprivation, policing approach, gang membership and mental health issues. In addition to this, it has been able to explore the effect of youth violence on social work and also the response of social workers and their plight for more funding. In the end, the theoretical framework provides an explanation as to the roots of youth violence and the same applied to BME communities. In order to find a long term solution to the London knife violence, a holistic approach that takes into account the above issues should be adopted by the concerned players like, police, schools, communities, families, council leadership and social workers (Roberts, 2019). Notably, this thesis had 3 primary objectives. Based on the first objective, which is to investigate the causes of violence in BME youths, this study made it evident that firstly, a weak family structure, lack of parental supervision and poor relationship between parent and the child are some of the factors which increases the possibility of juvenile delinquency. Once a child has become delinquent, he/she is vulnerable to criminal tendencies including violence and gang membership. In line with this, whilst considering social deprivation and unemployment, a study shows that such conditions will make life difficult for the family to maintain social control over youths (Cribb et al., 2018). A pattern of defiance will subsequently develop and young people will join gangs, engage in drug trade and embrace violence. The work of Young is basically pushing the agenda that troubled families are at a high risk of losing control over the young people hence increased chances of their engagement in youth violence. Moreover, some other causes of youth violence vary from economic problems, alcohol abuse, domestic violence, among other factors (Brennan, 2018). The second objective, which was to evaluate the impact of violence in BME youths on victims and society as a whole has as well been meet in this thesis. It is evident that the World Health Organization estimates that at least 200,000 young people die each year as a result of youth violence (WHO, 2015). It also lists youth violence as the fourth leading cause of death in young people worldwide. According to WHO, youth violence involves young adults between the ages of 10 to 29 and takes the form of dating violence, homicide assault, bullying, fighting and emotional abuse. The impacts of youth violence whether visible or otherwise include: mental health problems, harmful use of tobacco, drugs and alcohol, poor performance in school and being a victim of violence as an adult or committing it. Youth violence is harmful to communities because it results into social disorder, fear and anxiety. Further, economies are drained of resources that would otherwise have been applied to development, in terms of health care, judicial and legal costs (Clement, 2010).

The third objective was to investigate the effect of youth violence to social work. This objective was evidently met as this thesis stressed that the stop and search powers imposed on youths have had unintended consequences on the BME youths. Social workers may intend to prevent violence in the streets by opting to stop and searching suspected gang members but this approach sometimes pushes innocent BME youth into gangs as a reactionary response to being labelled as such. In addition, the effects of police stops and searches are merely short-lived and do not offer a long term solution to the problem of youth violence (Coid et al., 2013). The impact of the overuse or misuse of the above powers is that youths that have interacted with police develop negative perceptions against them hence making it difficult provide them with the necessary support.

5.1 Recommendations

Owing to the above provisions, this study proposes the following recommendations, which when taken into consideration, could aid in combating the issue of violence among the young people living in the city of London.

Much work needs to be undertaken to ensure that young people in the city of London are safe in schools and at their residential areas. In this regard, the police needs to play a vital role. This thesis has raised significant questions though regarding the ability of the police to meet the needs to young individuals in London, thus, presenting a problem, which requires further attention. In various important ways, the police should be able to offer protection, given that their presence on streets aid in dealing with violence (Coid et al., 2013).

More needs to be done towards supporting the critical efforts of young people to be able to confront, and also restrict violence. Notably, this requires the conventionality of many young individuals, as well as their desire to positively contribute to the community. Essentially, recognizing the strength of reaching a street life, as well as its impact is of great significance. Young people need support. However, young offenders also require support, as well as adult guidance, in assisting them to desist from offending and also carrying knives (Cribb et al., 2018).

From a governmental perspective, both primary and secondary schools should form an initiative for reducing the negative impacts of deprivation, and marginality more comprehensively and in a more coordinated manner. There should be a public health approach, to be used as an effective way of violence reduction among young people. Conversely, over-emphasis on various punitive measures imported from the US may purpose to produce short-lived gains. However, they are unlikely in reducing the issue of ‘security gap’ in a much longer-term (Heeks et al., 2018). In line with this, positive initiatives should be introduced in increasing young peoples’ security, as well as safety in streets, as well as schools and this should be central to the youth policy, policing policy, and also educational policy. Of importance is the fact that a great attention should be paid towards reducing fear and also insecurity in a longer term.

Finally, greater attention needs to be paid to the daily violence experiences of young people. This would aid in reducing security gap. Young offenders should be treated with respect, whilst paying attention to their concerns, in order to enhance positive results (Edwards et al., 2015).

5.2 Implications for further research

From the data on knife crime perspective, it is evident that much of the data used is either outdated, incoherent, or even badly presented. This then presents a crucial need of generating new data, based on knife crime. Moreover, better use can be made on the already existing data sources, in order to improve systems used for presenting and also analysing data. Nonetheless, this research made a novel conceptual, as well as theoretical contributions to the literature. However, the methodological section does not involve cohorts. They are always neglected in researches by use of innovative methods, yet they are of great significance.

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