Understanding Domestic Violence Dynamics

Introduction

Domestic violence is a serious social problem, which involves violence within families and intimate relationships. Domestic violence involves physical assault, other forms of a physical attacks, mental, emotional, and psychological harms to the victim by the perpetrator (Woodhouse & Dempsey, 2016). Responding to domestic violence is particularly complicated because such violent acts are committed within families and home environment and in intimate relationships. Both men and women are victimised by domestic violence and such violence impacts relationships that can be either homosexual or heterosexual (Anderberg, Rainer, Wadsworth, & Wilson, 2015). Therefore, it is accepted that victimology of domestic abuse may be diverse and include both men and women in either heterosexual relationships. However, for the sake of brevity, this research is delimited to victims being women and perpetrators being male. This reflects the majority of relationships in the society at this time and delimits the research to a smaller area, with homogenous victim and perpetrator sample. Although men can be victims of domestic violence, it is women who are generally victimised by domestic violence and the patriarchal nature of the society is to some extent responsible for creating the conditions in which women are victimised more (Carter, 2015). It may be acknowledged that the male victim figures of domestic violence are generally dark figures because of the social disgrace associated with male victimisation of domestic violence, due to which men may not disclose their victimhood (Katz, 2013). Dark figures refer to the actual state of crime that is not reflected in the crime statistics (Katz, 2013). The attitudes of victims who are unable to take action against their abusive partners or leave such abusive relationships due to financial reasons can be understood against the background a worldview which acknowledges the need or desire to fulfil their material demands as overarching objectives of their lives (Hewitson, 2002). As individuals have material needs, there is a self-centred and hedonistic and individualistic approach to wants, self-interest, and benefits, which may also relate to the need for victims of domestic violence to continue in the abusive relationship where they are financially dependent on the abuser because of their need to ensure the fulfilment of their own or their children’s material needs.

Attitudes towards domestic violence are central to the execution of violence, the reaction or responses by the victims to the violence, and reactions of the community to violence against women. This is one of the reasons why much of community campaigning with regard to domestic violence is also aimed at driving attitudinal change to domestic violence (Flood and Pease, 2009). Knowledge about attitudes towards domestic violence can also inform criminology and criminal policy making, which makes this subject an important one for research. Such attitudes can be driven by different socio-economic factors (Felitti, et al., 2019; Damron & Johnson, 2015; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Despite the importance of this subject, there is little primary research on how such socio-economic factors impact attitudes to domestic violence and how such attitudes may impact the perpetrators and victims of the crimes. This research seeks to fill the gaps in the current research by adding more knowledge on impact of socio-economic factors on attitudes on domestic violence. The research method that is chosen for this research is based on the qualitative research methodology. The research design is observational and the data is collected by exploring the attitudes of the individuals to domestic violence. The qualitative research design is chosen because the research relates to exploring factors such as attitudes. The realist research philosophy guided this research design because this was considered to be appropriate for exploring the attitudes of individuals to domestic violence. An inductive approach is chosen wherein the researcher conducted observation of cases which were then analysed to identify a pattern, which finally led to the formulation of a theoretical position on the role of social factors in the formation of attitudes towards domestic violence. As such, the grounded theory informed the research strategy. Similar research methodology was adopted by (Bettman, 2009) in a research based in Australia where the researcher explored the ways in which men experience the rules, messages and views of their social groups related to domestic violence. The advantage of using grounded theory as in Bettman (2009) is that the researcher can formulate new theoretical propositions based on observations and cases.

The objectives of this research included the exploring of the ways in which domestic violence is perpetrated against victims; the exploring of the impact of different socio-economic factors on the perpetration of domestic violence; and the making of recommendations based on the primary and secondary data analysis for responding to attitudes on domestic violence. The research questions that were sought to be answered in this research related to the nature of domestic violence and the ways in which it is perpetrated; the impact of education, religion, family background and class on the attitudes towards domestic violence; and the difference between victims’ attitudes to domestic violence and perpetrators’ attitudes. This research will be useful in adding to the current literature on domestic violence because it uses grounded theory approach which will lead to the development of theory on the impact of socio-economic factors on attitudes to domestic violence. The dissertation is structured as follows. Chapter 2 discusses the literature on socio-economic factors and attitudes to domestic violence. Chapter 3 provides the research methodology. Chapter 4 discusses the major themes analysed in the research. Chapter 5 discusses the findings and relates these to the literature. Chapter 6 reveals the conclusions of the research.

Literature Review

Introduction

The feminist movement of the 1970s in many countries around the Western world is generally credited for creating awareness and advocacy around the crime of domestic violence (Groves & Thomas, 2013). Domestic violence to a great extent has remained a social problem with severe implications for law (Groves & Thomas, 2013). This study seeks to explore the socio-economic factors that increase the likelihood of domestic violence and uncover how these factors shape the attitude surrounding domestic violence amongst the victims of the crime. This literature review explores and analyses literature on socio-economic factors and their link to domestic violence. The review commences with literature on definition of domestic violence.

Definition of domestic violence

Domestic violence is defined in the context of familial and intimate relations between the perpetrator and the victims of domestic violence. Domestic violence concerns actions involving use of physical force or coercion by a family member or intimate partner, which harm the physical and psychological wellbeing of the victim of the violence (Han Almis, Koyuncu Kutuk, Gumustas, & Celik, 2018). Physical force or coercion is not the only way in which domestic violence can be caused. The nature of abuse in intimate relations that can be construed as domestic violence can also occur through mental, emotional, and psychological force. Sexual violence can also be characterised as domestic violence. Intimate partners can also use economic abuse, such as, controlling the financial decisions of an individual with a view to controlling the individual (Abramsky, et al., 2011). Two key factors can be noted about the crime of domestic violence. First, that domestic violence is a crime where the perpetrator and the victim are involved in a domestic or an intimate relationship (Woodhouse & Dempsey, 2016). Second, the nature of domestic violence is such that it involves controlling, coercive or threatening behaviour on the part of the perpetrator, which may be related to any form of abuse, such as, psychological, physical, sexual, financial and emotional abuse (Woodhouse & Dempsey, 2016). This is clear in how even the law in the UK conceptualises domestic violence. Domestic violence is a crime under the UK law. Although, the statutory definition of domestic violence was only recently provided in the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012, domestic violence has been recognised as a serious social issue in the UK (Groves & Thomas, 2013). There are many laws in the UK now that punish domestic violence, prominently, the Serious Crime Act 2015, which clearly defines domestic violence as the coercive or controlling behaviour of the perpetrator against an intimate partner (Section 76). Even before these laws came into being, the Common law has responded to domestic violence by considering rape, assault, and threatening behaviour in intimate relationships as domestic violence in intimate partner relationships (R v R [1991] UKHL 12, 1991). It is also important to note that domestic violence is also considered as harassment under the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 under which if an intimate partner resorts to threatening or abusing his partner, then the victim can ask courts for non-molestation orders, occupation orders and domestic violence protection orders.

Socio-economic Factors

Socio-economic factors are a combination of social and economic factors that may have impact or implications for the crime of domestic violence. These are those factors that somehow influence or lead to perpetration of the crime. Social and economic factors can influence the perpetrator of domestic violence to commit violence or create impediments for the victims of the crime to report such violence. Socio-economic factors related to domestic violence have come into prominence with certain issues being highlighted in research, such as, honour based violence (Thiara & Gill, 2009; Gill, 2014), increased vulnerability of immigrant women to domestic violence (Burmana & Chantler, 2005; Colucci, et al., 2013), and poverty or financial difficulties and their impact on domestic violence (Anitha, 2008). Due to the increased awareness of the impact of socio-economic factors on domestic violence, researchers are also recommending that policy makers adopt a sociological approach for structuring policy responses to domestic violence (Julios, 2016). Julios (2016) also points out that sociological approach to understanding and responding to domestic violence is appropriate as it is supported by the literature and research since 1990s, which indicates greater levels of public awareness about domestic violence and highlights socio-economic factors’ link to domestic violence (Julios, 2016, p. 74). Education can play an important role in predicting or determining the susceptibility of women to domestic violence as well as their responses to abusive partners. Women who have completed higher education are more likely to have higher wage potential, better social standing and access to advantageous social systems that can support them when they choose to leave abusive relationships; on the other hand, women who do not have higher education degrees and do not have access to better wages and financial independence may be unable to take strong responses to abusive partners (Anitha, 2008). Women who are financially dependent on their abusive partners may not be able to take action against their partners or leave them because they do not have confidence to rebuild their lives after leaving their partners (Anitha, 2008). Some abusive partners may take advantage of this and subject their victims to abuse with the perception that the victim does not have anywhere else to turn.

Citizenship status can also play an important role in determining responses to domestic violence by victims. Victims of domestic violence who are immigrants and do not have permanent citizenship, may be unwilling or unable to take action against their abusive partners, as there are housing, state benefits, child-care, and health benefits that the victims may not be in a position to give up (Burmana & Chantler, 2005). Indeed, a significant amount of research done into domestic violence amongst South Asian communities, points to the inability or unwillingness of victims to report domestic violence due to the fear of losing benefits that they derive through their relationship with the perpetrator (Gill, 2014; Colucci, et al., 2013; Anitha, 2008).

Attitude towards Domestic Violence

Attitude towards domestic violence can be impacted by a range of factors, including social, economic and cultural factors. Cultural factors can include patriarchy within specific cultures, place of women in specific cultures, and male-female power relations within families. All these factors are relevant because oppressive behaviour in families cannot be isolated from the cultural, social, and financial aspects of the relationship (Sardinha & Nájera Catalán, 2018). Nevertheless, research also indicates that thinking that domestic violence happens only in minority communities or non-white communities is simplistic as it does not take into account the historical facts regarding domestic violence in the white communities (Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Research also indicates that domestic violence is not limited to families of low socio-economic status, and there are families of higher socio-economic status, members of which can also witness domestic families (Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Nevertheless, legal policy and institutions are driven by cultural notions about male-female relations in families as seen in the American case of People v. Dong Lu Chen, where the judge let off a Chinese immigrant husband with a reduced sentence for manslaughter instead of murder where the accused had bludgeoned his wife with a claw hammer (Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). The anthropologist expert witness in the case established before the court that such violent impulses as responses to adultery by the wife were normal in China (Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Thus, in this case, the court allowed use of anthropological evidence to establish cultural practices and allowed this to impact its decision in the murder case. Communities from Asia and Africa may share certain commonalities in their cultural responses to male-female equation in families and its impact on domestic violence (Menjívar & Salcido, 2002). A research study based in the USA, collected data from 137 immigrant women from 35 countries, showing commonalities of experience with domestic violence in these communities (Erez, et al., 2009). Importantly, the study found that attitudes to domestic violence can be shaped by the cultural background of the victims (Erez, et al., 2009). Commonalities in attitudes to domestic violence in immigrant communities can also be impacted by the common problems of immigrant women which increase their vulnerability; these common problems can be problems with access to resources, and access to legal remedies to domestic violence (Erez, et al., 2009).

These findings counter the argument made by Sokoloff and Dupont (2005) that experience of domestic violence is not necessarily exarceberated by immigration and minority status. On the contrary, as Erez, et al. (2009) found, immigration and minority status may impact the attitudes to domestic violence because of the common problems in immigrant women with relation to access to resources and lack of understanding of laws and legal responses. Research in the UK also points to similar links in immigration and racial ethnicity and attitudes to domestic violence (Grillo, 2011). Grillo (2011) find in a research related to ethnic groups of South Asian origin that there is a clear link between domestic violence victimisation and cultural factors. Within South Asian communities, this link can be seen with respect to social practices and norms grounded in a strict patriarchal system (Grillo, 2011). South Asian communities are influenced by the social systems that determine family values that are driven by the community values where the rights of individuals and their relations within their families are based on the values and beliefs of the community itself (Grillo, 2011). Due to this, the duties of the wife towards their husbands are contextualised within patriarchal patterns that are also important to the community and driven by community values (Grillo, 2011). Due to this involvement of the community in driving personal relations and power equations within the families, victims of domestic violence may find themselves bound by social norms and practices that limit their abilities to report abuse by their partners and also fight domestic violence (Grillo, 2011). Family and community pressure may make victims conform to certain norms of behaviour women in their relations to their husbands (Grillo, 2011; Gill, 2014).

Theories of Socio-economic Factors in Relation to Human Behaviour

Social theories are used to explain the link between human behaviour and socio-economic factors which emphasise on the impact of societal benchmarks on behaviours and states of mind. Social identity theory provides an insight into how self and identity and intergroup phenomena play a role in how individuals are perceived and how they perceive others; in this context, social structure and its dominant standards can greatly impact the community members (Hogg, 2016). At the core of social identity theory, there is an acknowledgment or human knowledge that individuals belong to certain social groups and that there is an emotional and value significance that the individual derives from the membership of the group (Hogg, 2016, p. 6). The shared identity that is derived from the membership of the group therefore becomes very important to the members of the group. Social identity theory posits that individuals learn to self-categorise themselves based on the prototypes of the members of the in-group, that is, the group that the individuals identify with, while also prototyping the members of the out-group, that the individuals characterise in different ways (Julios, 2016). The impact of this self-categorisation is that individuals wish to conform to the characteristics of the prototype of their own in-group and distinguish themselves from the members of the out-group. The Social identity theory can help explain the human behaviour associated with domestic violence, be this the behaviour of the perpetrator or the victim of the violence. In patriarchal societies, the prototype male would be a dominant type, able to establish his dominance over the female partner, while the prototype female would be subservient and respectful to her male partner. The traditional, patriarchal society would see the institutionalisation of standards that define male-female familial relations in the context of patriarchy. In such societies, there may be greater acceptance of domestic violence and greater discouragement of victims to go to the authorities to report abusive male partners. In the UK, research studies have indicated that South Asian communities show greater social acceptance of domestic violence and there is some community pressure to discourage victims from reporting such abusive behaviour to the authorities (Anitha, 2008; Gill, 2014; Colucci, et al., 2013).

Another theory that can provide an insight into how individual and group behaviour can be impacted by intergroup dynamics is that of Realist conflict theory, which posits that individuals as well as social groups have goals that they seek to achieve and many of these goals can only be achieved with the help of others, which means that there is a mutual co-dependency in the society, which makes the members of the society as promotively interdependent (Hogg, 2016). In the context of domestic violence, this intergroup dynamics may mean that individuals are influenced to conform to the group values so as to continue being a part of the group; when such group values are largely driven by patriarchal factors, there may be more acceptance in personal attitudes towards domestic violence. The symbolic interactionist theory is also used to link socio-economic factors with human behaviour through an emphasis on the interrelations within the community (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). (Smith-Lovin and Heise, 2016). Symbolic interaction theory emphasises on the impact on human behaviour of the ideas of self, role, and social anchoring of self-evaluation (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). Individuals through the evaluation of their self in the context of the social world that they live in, are also actively involved in creating the social world (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). The role identities that are ascribed to people, such as, wife, mother, husband, father, may influence interpersonal behaviour, because these role settings are predetermined and also being actively created through human behaviour (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). In the context of domestic violence, role identities may be influential in determining attitudes of both perpetrators and victims of the abuse. Feminist theories have been largely involved in exploring themes of patriarchy and how this social system has impacted social values, the position and status of the woman, and attitudes towards domestic violence (Price & Shildrick, 2017). Patriarchy has impacted or influenced male attitudes towards women, and have also led to the acceptance of male oppression of women (Price and Shildrick, 2017). Patriarchy has allowed suppression of women through the perpetuation of power relations between men and women that are depicted in the political and social interrelations, as well as attitudes towards ownership of property between men and women; these all have impacts on the attitudes of individuals to domestic violence (Price & Shildrick, 2017). Patriarchy can also be seen in the structuring of laws and legislations in modern societies, where patriarchal attitudes can be seen in the laws (Carter, 2015). In the UK for instance, specific laws on domestic violence were only made in 2012, prior to which the common law responded to domestic violence.

Effect of Socioeconomic Factors on the Attitude towards Domestic Violence

While there has been an interest in the attitude to domestic violence, there is lack of research on the variables that shape attitudes toward domestic violence against women. This despite the increasing awareness that attitudes to domestic violence have a crucial and causal relationship with domestic violence (Flood & Pease, 2009; Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). Research supports the contention that there is an association between violence-supportive beliefs and values and the execution of violent behaviour, both at personal and community levels (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). The question is whether socio-economic factors have impacts on attitudes towards domestic violence as suggested by the sociological theories discussed in the previous section in this literature review. For instance, symbolic interactionism emphasises on the notion that social norms shape the attitude of a given community (Smith-Lovin & Heise, 2016). The major socio-economic factors influencing the attitude towards domestic violence are discussed in this section. These factors include cultural practices in certain communities, religious practices or beliefs and their impact on attitudes, education, and family background.

Cultural Practices

Cultural practices are significant influences on the values, and standards of society. In multicultural societies like the UK, migration has led to the incoming of communities that have specific cultural practices and values that may have an impact on the attitudes towards domestic violence. Immigrant communities may sometimes provide a contrast with local communities in terms of their social values and norms (Fuchsel, Murphy & Dufresne, 2012). While domestic violence is not limited to any specific communities, and all communities, including white communities, do show some incidence of domestic violence, in some communities, cultural practices may also be responsible for a higher acceptance of domestic violence. This is particularly true of cultures where violence against female members of the family may be justified by community members on the ground that these female members are not conforming with the conventional sex roles or standards that the community holds important (Fuchsel, Murphy, & Dufresne, 2012). Cultural values and practices may be responsible for some romanticising of domestic violence or ignoring the victimisation of women by domestic violence (Pan et al., 2015). As noted in a research centred in the US, women “have struggled for over three decades to address factors in the dominant culture that continue to promote violence against women and stigmatize those who speak out against violence and the subordination of women and children” (Pan, et al., 2015, p. 35). There are two points that may be noted here with respect to cultural values and domestic violence. First, there is a struggle involved for the victims of domestic violence to have their voices heard in a dominant culture that does not support such women. Second, there is a stigma attached to those who do speak out against domestic violence.

Cultural values and standards may have an impact on how victims, and the wider community react to domestic violence. People from more provincial communities may have reservations about reaching out to authorities for help in case of victimisation by domestic violence (Wilson, Fauci, & Goodman, 2015). Victims from minority communities, like Black and Caribbean communities, or South Asian communities may be constrained by community rules and practices against reporting domestic violence to the authorities (Wilson, Fauci, & Goodman, 2015). People from older generations may have reservations about reporting personal family matters to the authorities (Wilson, Fauci, & Goodman, 2015). Victims in homosexual relationships may be worried about social stigma and may not report abuse to the authorities. The concept of ‘honour’ in South Asian communities is also an important cultural factor that shapes attitudes to domestic violence. The concept of honour in the South Asian communities, is one of the reasons why women from these communities do not report domestic violence and continue cohabiting with the abusive partner (Gill, 2014). South Asian communities may use the concept of honour to pressurise women to continue in abusive relationships because they believe that it is wrong and immoral for a woman to go to the police against her husband and his family (Gill, 2014). Women who goes to the police to complain about her husband or leaves her matrimonial home due to abusive conditions can be said to have brought dishonour to her community and family (Gill, 2014). Research does indicate that women from South Asian families find it harder to fight domestic violence because of the family honour, cultural conceptions about gender roles, and patriarchal traditions (CPS, 2016). As honour is a very subjective term and difficult to define precisely, the ‘dishonourable’ acts of the women that leads to violence against them could be something as harmless as fraternising with male colleagues at workplaces. It may also be mentioned that domestic violence is not the same as honour based crimes, but it is part of the larger umbrella of honour based crimes. The UK Crown Prosecution Service has clarified that there is no specific offence of "honour based crime" in the UK but that it is an umbrella term that includes various offences including domestic violence (CPS, 2016).

Religion and Domestic Violence

In an interesting article, Nason‐Clark (2004) writes about the interface between religion and domestic violence, he argues that religion can have two different impacts on the attitudes of victims of domestic violence. First, victims of domestic violence who are religious in nature, may find strength in their religious community to fight their circumstances. Second, victims of domestic violence may face ‘sacred silence’ on the issue by members of their religious communities, due to which they may spend their lives with the abuser. The question then is whether religion really plays a role in shaping attitudes to domestic violence. Research does indicate that religion plays a role in helping victims of domestic violence develop some coping mechanisms (Watlington & Murphy, 2006). In a research involving African American women who were victims of domestic violence, it was found that those women who had higher levels of spirituality and greater religious involvement has fewer symptoms of depression and post traumatic stress as compared to women who were not involved in religion and spirituality (Watlington & Murphy, 2006). The study found that higher levels of spirituality were linked to higher levels of religious coping strategies and access to higher levels of social support (Watlington & Murphy, 2006). On the other hand, religion may also have negative impacts on attitudes to domestic violence, as major religions like Christianity, Judaism, and Islam support to some extent conservative attitudes to marriage as well as espouse patriarchal systems within marriages, which may have the negative impact on security of women (Johnson, 2016). It has been asserted that religious texts, cultural customs, and spiritual practices, are linked to the occurrence of domestic violence against women (Johnson, 2016). However, it is also admitted that the impact of religion can be complex because it can range from condoning violence against women by men who are considered to be superiors within the patriarchal system to confronting men who perpetrate domestic violence against their wives (Johnson, 2016). With reference to attitudes to domestic violence, religion can play an important role in developing dysfunctional, misogynistic beliefs about religious texts due to misinterpretation of these texts (Damron & Johnson, 2015).

Education and Domestic Violence

Education may play a very important role in shaping attitudes to domestic violence both by male perpetrators as well as female victims of domestic violence. With regard to the latter, lack of education may play a role in shaping social and economic conditions of life, within which a victim may become more powerless to fight against domestic violence. In this section, literature relating to education and domestic violence is discussed with a view to exploring the ways in which education or the lack of it shapes attitudes towards domestic violence. Education can empower women and can help women become more confident decision makers in their lives; this has many implications in the lives of women (Erten & Keskin, 2018). Women who are better educated are more likely to choose their husbands, be financially independent and have more awareness about the issues regarding gender equality (Erten & Keskin, 2018). Such women are also more likely to own property and have a degree of financial independence, which makes their positions stronger vis a vis the men in their lives (Erten and Keskin, 2018). Financial independence has impacts not only in the abilities of women to spend, procure property and invest their money, but also in the development of their abilities to respond to domestic violence (Erten & Keskin, 2018). Women who have not had the benefit of a higher education may have more passive and compliant attitudes to abusive partners, especially if such women are financially dependent on their partners. In some communities, education for women may not be encouraged because it may be seen as a cause for women becoming too independent and then challenging social standards and values or the settled norms around gender relations (Ghimire, Axinn, & Smith-Greenaway, 2015). In such communities, there may be a greater link seen between lack of education and domestic violence incidence in the society.

Family Background and Exposure to Violence during Childhood

Family background can play a role in shaping the attitudes of people to domestic violence. This may be true both of the perpetrators of violence as well as the victims of violence. In this section, the dissertation discusses literature related to family background and its possible impact on attitudes to domestic violence. One of the crucial issues that is considered in this section is the possible co-occurrence of child abuse and domestic violence and the impact of this on the attitudes of those exposed to domestic violence and child abuse in young ages. Literature indicates that family background and exposure to violence during childhood can play a role in developing attitudes to domestic violence. Child abuse and domestic violence may be co-occurent, which means that in families that experience domestic violence, children may also be exposed to abuse from one or both parents (Mahoney, Donnelly, Boxer, & Lewis, 2003). Co-occurrence of domestic violence and child abuse is a concept that is defined as “within-individual phenomenon” (Jouriles, McDonald, Smith Slep, Heyman, & Garrido, 2008, p. 223). Where a male partner abuses his female partner as well as children; or a male partner abuses his female partner and the female partner abuses her children; or where both the abuser as well as the victim are abusing their children, these phenomena are called co-occurent domestic violence and child abuse (Jouriles, McDonald, Smith Slep, Heyman, & Garrido, 2008). Research has positively shown that there is a possibility of child abuse or violence being extended to the children in the family where one or both intimate partners are violent in their relations (Mahoney, Donnelly, Boxer, & Lewis, 2003). Child abuse is very different from domestic violence and it is typically defined as:

“all forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust or power” (Butchart, Putney, Furniss, & Kahane, 2006 , p. 9).

Children who have been abused may also develop an antisocial personality disorder, which psychology research confirms has link to specific offending behaviour, such as, substance abuse, deliberate self harm, and violent behaviour (Moran, 1999; Eronen, Hakola, & Tiihonen, 1996). Research also links antisocial personality disorder with wife-battering, and child abuse (Eronen, Hakola, & Tiihonen, 1996). Encountering violence in childhood within the home can be one of the reasons for children to also develop behaviour patterns that are violent (Laeheem & Boonprakarn, 2016). Research shows that a significant number of people who are themselves involved in domestic violence as perpetrators may have been exposed to domestic violence and child abuse when they were children (Finkelhor, Turner, Shattuck, & Hamby, 2015). The experiment conducted by Albert Bandura in 1977, where children were presented with dolls and their behaviour was observed ("The Bobo Doll") also shows that children who were revealed to act with violence towards the doll or to show hostile behaviour, were also exposed to similar behaviour in their home environment (Drewes, 2008). Children who are exposed to domestic violence, especially male children, may also develop negative attitudes towards women in general arising out of their feelings for their mothers and male children may themselves also resort to mother abuse (Bancroft, Silverman, & Ritchie, 2011). As co-occurrence phenomenon of abuse can play out in complex and varied ways, with the victim mother also being an abusive parent in some cases, a “sequential perpetrator model” has been developed to explain the abuse of children by mothers who hit their children as a reaction to being victims of abuse (Coohey, 2004). The sequential perpetrator model proposes that as children are more at a risk of being abused when in families that exhibit domestic violence, it may be assumed that the risk of abuse by a victimised parent may also increase when the parent dominated by the abusive partner (Coohey, 2004).

As one research points out, domestic violence can be learned, and perpetrators may develop misogynist attitudes to women due to exposure to domestic violence in childhood (Bevan & Higgins, 2002). This contention is also supported by the findings in another research (Lepistö, Luukkaala, & Paavilainen, 2011). It can be surmised that many of such individuals may grow up to have more accepting attitudes to domestic violence both as perpetrators and victims of such violence. To summarise this section, it may be reiterated that in case of family background involving a history of exposure to domestic violence or child abuse at the hands of one of both parents, it is possible that the individual may develop specific attitudes to domestic violence. Such individual may himself have propensity to be violent or may justify violence or have ambivalent attitudes to domestic violence. Victims of domestic violence may also not be able to differentiate between acceptable conduct and unaaceptable conduct in intimate relations due to their exposure to domestic violence as children.

Empirical Review of Literature

Empirical studies on domestic violence have been conducted in different jurisdictions and cover different aspects of domestic violence. A study by Flury, Nyberg, and Riecher-Rössler (2010) focussed on definition, epidemiology, risk factors and consequences of domestic violence against women based in the Central European countries. The study also explored the psychopathological profile of victims (Flury, Nyberg, & Riecher-Rössler, 2010). This study further included reports from surveys in different countries that shed light on domestic violence in the social life. The study reported a survey from Germany in 2004, which was carried out on the behalf of the German Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens and Women, which included a sample of 10,264 women aged between 16 and 85 years and their responses to physical, sexual and psychological violence (Flury, Nyberg, & Riecher-Rössler, 2010). The survey found that in 75% of the cases of physical and sexual violence, violence occurred within the home environment. In another empirical study based in Iran, a cross-sectional study was carried out with a sample of married women between 16–80 years of age between 2013 and 2014. The women were administered questionnaires, which had questions on form of partner violence including emotional abuse, physical violence and sexual violence (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). The study found a high prevalence of physical, emotional or sexual violence and reported that men’s violence against women in intimate relationships is common in Iran (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). The study recommended raising level of education for both men and women on the basis of the factors that the study revealed as central to contributing to violence against women (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). One of the principal factors that the study showed as responsible for high levels of domestic violence against women is that of educational attainment as there was a statistically significant relationship between educational attainment and violence as revealed in the study (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). The study found that women with low educational attainment are 4.6 times more likely to have suffered from violence (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). Another empirical study has sought to explore the link between socioeconomic support and responses to domestic violence (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). The cross-sectional study based on the data from the Brazilian Ribeirão Preto and São Luís birth cohort studies (BRISA) analysed the effects of socioeconomic status and social support on violence against pregnant women who used prenatal services (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). The sample for the study consisted of 1,446 pregnant women who were interviewed in 2010 and 2011. The findings of the study indicate that socioeconomic status does not have an effect on general or psychological violence but has impacts on the experience of violence in case of pregnant women (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). Women with lower socioeconomic status reported more episodes of physical or sexual violence (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). The effect of socioeconomic status was mediated by low social support where low social support was associated with more episodes of general, psychological and physical and sexual violence against pregnant women (Ribeiro, et al., 2017).

A systematic review conducted in a study based in Ethiopia where studies between 2000 and 2014 were reviewed by the researchers (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). The study also considered community based studies for the systematic review as well as two consecutive Ethiopian demographic and health surveys in 2005 and 2011 (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). The study found that lifetime prevalence of domestic violence against women by husband or intimate partners range from 20 to 78 % and lifetime domestic physical violence ranges from 31 to 76.5 % (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). A study based in Vietnam, where secondary data from two cross-sectional studies with representative samples of a total of 21,134 women in Vietnam were analysed in the context of prevalence of supportive attitudes toward domestic violence and associations with age, residence region, area, education level, household wealth index, ethnicity, and marital status (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016). Like the findings in Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour (2015), this Vietnemese study also shows that there is a link between prevalence of acceptance of domestic violence and socioeconomic factors, particularly educational attainment (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016). The study found that women who were younger and with less educational attainment were more likely to develop attitudes condoning domestic violence (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016). This study also supported the encouragement of higher educational attainment in women as an important factor for preventing and reducing the incidence of domestic violence (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016).

Conclusion

As this literature review has discussed, there are a number of empirical studies that have undertaken exploration of links between domestic violence and socioeconomic factors. Studies have shown links between educational attainment and domestic violence, with low educational attainment being predictors of perpetration as well as victimhood by domestic violence (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016; Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015); studies have shown links between social support and domestic violence with higher social support being central to women’s responses to domestic violence (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). Considering the results of these studies, it may be surmised that the problem of domestic violence and its prevalence is more closely associated with age, educational attainment and socioeconomical deprivation. The empirical studies discussed in this section have revealed certain socio-economic factors as risk factors for the development of condoning attitude towards domestic violence.

Methodology

Introduction

In the previous chapter of literature review, this dissertation considered a range of literature, which covered empirical studies (Flury, Nyberg, & Riecher-Rössler, 2010; Ribeiro, et al., 2017; Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015; Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016; Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015) as well as other literature on domestic violence. The range of literature also indicated that domestic violence as an area of research has seen research set in different countries. The wide range of methodologies used in the literature considered in the literature review also indicates that both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies are employed for research in this field for the identification of socio-economic factors regarding domestic violence. In this chapter of the dissertation, the methodology used for this study is explained. Research is defined as a systematic enquiry into an area predetermined by the researcher where the researcher employs the art of scientific investigation (Kothari, 2004, p. 1). Research is generally defined as systematic and methodical process of enquiry and investigation aimed at increasing the knowledge in the subject matter of the research (Collis & Hussey, 2009, p. 3). Being methodological and systematic, research has to be effectively organised, purposeful, and with a clear idea of the methods to be used for data collection, analysis and interpretation (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). The process of research moves from uncovering the theoretical foundations on the subject matter of research as well as data collection, and analysis and reporting of the results (Collis & Hussey, 2009). Keeping this in mind, the research methodology for this research has been identified and explained in this chapter of the research. In the following sections, this chapter will discuss the research methodology applied.

Research Philosophy

Research philosophy chosen for this research is the Realism philosophy because it will be the most appropriate for exploring the attitudes of the victims and the perpetrators towards domestic violence. Primarily, there are four research philosophies, which are Realism, Interpretivism, Positivism, and Pragmatism. Any one of these research philosophies can be identified by the researcher for the purpose of conducting her research. However, the researcher has to be careful in choosing the research philosophy because the choice of research philosophy has a significant impact on the research design chosen by the researcher; research philosophy underpins research design (Wilson, 2014). In other words, whether the researcher will choose qualitative or quantitative approach or mixed research design approach, will depend on the research philosophy chosen by the researcher (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). The researcher chooses the research philosophy also keeping in mind the methods she would use for identifying, collecting and analysing of data (Easterby-Smith, Thorpe, & Jackson, 2002). For instance, the researcher may choose to augment empirical knowledge by collection of primary data (Bashir & Marudhar, 2018). In this research, Realism philosophy was chosen because the researcher wanted to explore the real attitudes of the individuals to domestic violence. Research philosophy also relates to ontology, epistemology and axiology. Ontology includes objectivism and subjectivism, where the former allows existence of social entities as external to the social actors, while subjectivism allows that social phenomenon is created from the beliefs and perspectives of the social actors. Epistemology evaluates the remit of knowledge through the positions of critical, interpretivist, and positivist approaches (Walliman, 2015). Axiology relates to the philosophy of values in research as values impact views of individuals. The philosophical approaches discussed above allow the researchers to choose the one which will be appropriate for answering research questions laid down in the beginning of the research (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). Ontology is based on the nature of reality (McLeod, 2013). Epistemology may drive the researcher to choose Positivism, Realism and Interpretivism approaches for investigating the research question (Brown, 2010). In order to determine the impact of socio-economic factors on the attitude towards domestic violence for this research, it has been thought appropriate to involve Realism philosophical approach to the research method as there is a need to explore human attitudes in reality to the perpetration of domestic violence (Smith, 2012). As much of this research will be related to researching attitudes that may also be distorted from reality, Realism research philosophy is thought to be appropriate to explore the attitudes of individuals to domestic violence. As “realists posit a material world that exists independent of any observers” this research philosophy can be appropriate for considering the real attitudes of people to domestic violence (Rolfe, 2006 , p. 306).

Research Approach

In this case, the identification, observation and analysis of social factors is required with reference to attitudes to domestic violence. This research will follow an inductive research approach where the researcher will start from an observation of numerous cases which will be then analysed to identify a pattern. From the pattern identified, the researcher will formulate a theory regarding the role of social factors in the formation of attitudes towards domestic violence. Research approach is the approach taken by the researcher for the purpose of relating the research to theory (Bryman & Bell, 2015). Generally, the researcher formulates the plan to create detailed methods of enquiry that would take him from the broad assumptions about the research topic made earlier in the research process, to the more detailed methods of data collection, analysis and interpretation later in the research process (Creswell, 2013). Two principal research approaches are involved in research, these being deductive and inductive approaches (Collis & Hussey, 2009). The researcher following the deductive approach commences the research process by first identifying a general theory applicable to the research context, and then moves from the general theory to specific context of the research (Perrin, 2015). Because in this research related to attitudes on domestic violence, the researcher will not begin with identifying the theory, and then developing the hypothesis, this method is not chosen (Perrin, 2015). Instead, inductive approach is chosen which will see the researcher first observing some phenomenon, which may eventually lead to formulation of theory, thus moving from specific context to general theory (Perrin, 2015). The kind of inquiry that the researcher seeks to make in the research may guide her research approach. Generally, qualitative inquiries are related to inductive approach and quantitative inquiries are related to deductive approach (Maxwell, 2013). Quantitative inquiry can be used to examine the link between what is known and what can be learned. Analysing data with quantitative strategies requires an understanding of the associations among components by either realistic or inferential estimations (McLeod, 2013). Quantitative data requires quantifiable examination to test hypotheses made by the researcher in the initial phase of the research (Maxwell, 2013). In such studies, deductive approach enables the researcher to explore the data taking the researcher from the general theory to specific contexts. Inductive approach allows the researcher to form a speculative framework initially regarding the phenomenon under study, and then explore it so as to go from specific to general theory about the phenomenon.

Research Method

Since the nature of this study is going to be observational and the data collected is related to exploring the attitudes of the individuals to domestic violence, the chosen research method for this research is qualitative research method. Research methods used in studies can be quantitative, qualitative, and or mixed methods research. Research designs have been defined as “types of inquiry within qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods approaches that provide specific direction for procedures in a research design” (Creswell, 2013, p. 12). Researchers can choose the research method as per the research philosophy and approach selected by the researcher. Although generally, quantitative approach is associated with positivist research, and qualitative approach is associated with interpretivist research, there is no fixed rule and researchers do have some flexibility to choose their research method (Bryman & Bell, 2015). Since there are significant differences between these research methods, these differences can also be central to the researcher’s decision to choose one over the other. Qualitative approach is more subjective in nature, and is focused on theory building whereas the quantitative approaches are objective, and are generally focussed on theory testing (Opoku, Ahmed, & Akotia, 2016). In this research, theory building is the focus of the researcher as the research has not begun with the identification of any specific theory. Qualitative research may at times be deductive oriented whereas quantitative approach is inductive oriented (Opoku, Ahmed, & Akotia, 2016). However, researchers may choose to use inductive and deductive processes in qualitative and quantitative design respectively (Collis & Hussey, 2009). Qualitative method is appropriate in studies where the researcher is interested in collecting data on experiences and opinions and understandings of the participants in the research. As qualitative research can be unstructured and flexible in nature, the researchers can create data collection methods that allow participants to be more open about their experiences and opinions, which is what is required in this research as it is a sensitive topic. Qualitative methods also allow the researcher to get more in depth insight into the world of the participants (Creswell, 2013). In studies where the insight can be necessary to understand the phenomenon under study better, qualitative approach can be chosen by the researcher.

Research Strategy

Research strategy adopted for this research is the grounded theory because grounded theory is appropriate in research under social sciences which can lead to the development of theories through systematic gathering and examination of information. There is little research done so far on the attitudes of people to domestic violence, which provides an opportunity to use grounded theory. Although, research strategies associated with qualitative methods may include action research, case study research, and ethnography, the grounded theory method is found to be most relevant to research studies where theory development is required (Bryman & Bell, 2015). The strategy chosen by the researcher depends to a large extent on the investigating questions and outcomes that the researcher formulates (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). In choosing the research strategy, the researcher may also be guided by the extent of existing information available, the period of research, and the philosophical underpinnings of the researcher (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). This study seeks to use grounded theory as the research strategy and to apply grounded theory research to collection of data and analysis of data. Grounded theory involves use of methods that are systematic as well as flexible and leads to the collection of data and its analysis so as to develop theory (Charmaz, 2014). The grounded theory could be a research methodology which works inductively. The use of grounded hypothesis can be done by formulating some hypothesis based on some wider idea about a phenomenon and then collecting data which can lead to the formulation of theory related to the phenomenon under research. Theoretical formulation is done by the researcher where she analyses the data, finds patterns, labels the patterns as codes; the recurrence of codes can lead to the formulation of concepts (Glaser, Bailyn, Fernandez, Holton, & Levina, 2013). It is possible that the data collected refutes the hypothesis or that the hypothesis is confirmed by the data analysis. In this study, one of the objectives of the researcher is to explore the attitudes of individuals to domestic violence. Grounded theory has been used by the researcher because there is an opportunity for theory making in this case.

Data Collection and Analysis

Data collection can be described as the procedure of collecting data and data analysis can be described as the process of subjecting the data to examination with respect to the research questions and hypotheses and comparing data on focused on factors. The objective for data collection is to identify and collect quality literature and empirical data. Both primary data and secondary data is collected in this research study. Secondary data is collected from books, journals and reports, while primary data is the data collected directly from the participants (Bryman & Bell, 2015; Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). Thus, secondary data is collected from published works of other researchers, while primary data is collected from participants in the research study. As mentioned before, both primary and secondary data is collected for this research. Primary data was collected from participants who were interviewed through semi-structured interview method, where the questions from the questionnaire were asked and the participants gave their responses to these questions (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2012). The interviews were conducted after obtained consent from the participants. After the interviews were conducted, interview transcripts were analysed using grounded theory by identifying patterns and themes. This led to the principal findings that are made out in this dissertation. Fourteen interviews were conducted in all. The researcher used purposive sampling to select the sample for the interviews. The inclusion criteria for the interviews was that interviewees were women above the age of 18 years who were victimised by domestic violence at some point in their lives. WHO IS INTERVIEWED. The transcripts were coded.

Ethical Issues

Due to the nature of this research and the nature of data collection in this research some ethical issues were involved. This research involved use of qualitative methods of interviews and questionnaires to explore the attitudes of participants to domestic violence. As primary data was collected through interview methods, the researcher was mindful of the ethical issues involved and responded to these issues. BSC WEBSITE Semi-structured interviews were used for this research. As interviews were being used, due regard was given to the process of interview and the related ethical issues. Consent for the interview was taken from the participants so as to ensure that the participants were agreeable to their involvement in the interview (Walliman, 2015). As it is important that the consent to the interviews is informed consent, participants for the interview were fully informed about the topic of the study, the purpose of the interview, and the method or process in which the interview will be taken (Walliman, 2015). Accordingly, interviewees were informed about the interview process and the method of asking questions and recording information before the start of the interview. The interview questions were related to the sensitive subject matter of domestic violence as some of the participants may have had some traumatic experiences themselves related to domestic violence. Therefore, due care had to be taken to assure the participants that they did not have to answer questions that they were not comfortable with and that they could stop the interview at any point and even refuse to allow to use the interview record if they did not wish to be a part of the study. This was done to ensure that the participants felt that they had control over the interview process and that they were not questioned in a manner that they were not comfortable with. As interviews were being conducted, it was also important to maintain the anonymity of the participants. The participants were assured that their names and addresses will be kept confidential in order to protect their identity and personal information. This was a very important aspect of the ethical issues involved in this study. The participants were assured of this by the researcher before the interview process began. The researcher also ensured that the personal information of the participants was kept confidential. For this purpose, the real names of the participants are also not used in this dissertation.

Limitation of research method

One limitation of the methodology used is that it only employs qualitative methods of semi-structured interviews for primary data collection. Due to this, there is an issue of reliability of data because qualitative data can be subjective in nature (Bamberger, 2000). However, this limitation has been responded to by the researcher by also including a literature review, which will allow the triangulation of the findings of the primary data with that of the secondary data (Bamberger, 2000). Another limitation of the study is that the sample size is too small at fourteen participants for the interviews. However, this limitation is due to the constraints of time and resources at this level.

Findings and Discussions

The responses in the interviews taken for this research study have helped the researcher identify certain core factors that are suggested in the responses as factors that influence domestic violence. This chapter discusses the findings and links it to literature on the subject area.

Nature of Domestic Violence against Women

The nature of domestic violence against women can be diverse. Some women may experience domestic violence that is in the nature of verbal abuse. Some women may experience physical abuse at the hands of the perpetrators. Some women may be made to be financially dependent on the perpetrator or denied any means and opportunities to be financially independent. Women may be subjected to sexual abuse as a form of domestic violence. Some women may experience forced isolation from friends and family and may be forced to live within the confines of their homes. These are the different forms of domestic violence that have come to be highlighted in the interviews conducted for this research. Literature suggests that general and psychological violence affects pregnant women of different socioeconomic status but that physical and sexual violence shows more prevalence in pregnant women from lower socioeconomic status and lower social support (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). The overarching finding in one study is that higher social support can play a role in contributing to reduction of all types of violence, including domestic violence (Ribeiro, et al., 2017). Significant number of women experience violence during pregnancy (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). There are other factors that are revealed in this study, which increase the incidence of domestic violence, including alcohol consumption, family history of violence, occupation, religion, and educational status (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). The authors of the study concluded that domestic violence against women shows a direct relationship with sociodemographic characteristics of the victim as well as perpetrator (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). This accords with the discussion in the previous sections of the dissertation where the link between domestic violence and different socioeconomic factors like education, religion, family background, have been discussed.

Factors Influencing Domestic Violence

The link between culture and domestic violence is more clearly made out in the responses of the interviewees. According to most of the interviewees, culture is a prime reason for domestic violence. In some cultures, domestic violence may become normalised and therefore incidence of domestic violence may be higher in such cultures. This was clearly made out in the responses by the Nigerian interviewees. These responses support the findings of literature review, which have supported the contention that cultural values can play a strong role in normalising domestic violence (Fuchsel, Murphy, & Dufresne, 2012; Pan, et al., 2015). An important point made by Pan et al. (2015) is that due to cultural factors women of different cultures may experience domestic violence differently and may need services specifically suited to their cultural contexts for dealing with domestic violence. This points at a deep connection between culture and domestic violence. At the same time, where cultural values are against domestic violence and do not support or encourage misogyny, there may be some reduction of incidence of domestic violence. Literature has shown that in many cultures, viciousness against ladies is justified when ladies don't take after conventional sex roles or standards. Cultural values may also be influential in making women feel embarrassed about victimisation or they may fear reprisals from the community if they reported incidence of domestic violence (Colucci, et al., 2013; Gill, 2014). In some communities, like the South Asian communities, culture may play a strong role in perpetuating conditions that lead to domestic violence incidence; in the South Asian communities, the notion of honour may be responsible for this (Gill, 2014). The concept of honour also a point of difference between South Asian and other communities on the issue of domestic violence. In South Asian communities, honour gives cultural connotations to domestic violence and also has relevance to the structure of abuse (Gill, 2014). White men may also be perpetrators of domestic violence, but the concept of honour is not used in White communities as a justification (Siddiqui, 2005); on the other hand, the concept of honour can become a strong justification by the perpetrators of violence in South Asian communities as husbands may defend their actions of the basis of the ‘dishonourable’ acts of their wives (Gill, 2014).

The link between domestic violence and family background or childhood experience is also made out in the responses of the interviews. Majority of the interviewees in the research study observed that family background is responsible for the violent behaviour of their spouses. The female interviewees stated that it’s the bitter childhood of their husband which deteriorates their family life. This is aligned with the findings of the literature review, which indicate that there is a link between the exposure to abuse as children and the abusive behaviour of the perpetrators in their adulthood (Felitti, et al., 2019; Katz, 2013; Bancroft, Silverman, & Ritchie, 2011). Difficult childhood and exposure to violence within the family is also linked to negative feelings about family and family members (Felitti, et al., 2019). In this research, it was found that there is a close connection between the witnessing of domestic violence and developing violent behavioural patterns and habits, which was seen in the ways that adolescents exposed to domestic violence reacted to in their home and school environments (Lepistö, Luukkaala, & Paavilainen, 2011). Emotional, physical and even sexual abuse can be experienced by children in violent home environments, where the perpetrators can be either or both parents (Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008). In children, a feeling of resentment against their mothers (and later projected to their partners) may arise because abused children, especially male children may feel that the failure to protect them from abuse was more the failure of the mother on whom the primary responsibility to protect them from a violent partner was made out (Bell, 2003). With respect to male perpetrators, there is an impact of domestic violence exposure in their childhood and their own misogynist attitudes as they grow older (Laeheem & Boonprakarn, 2016; Finkelhor, Turner, Shattuck, & Hamby, 2015). On the basis of the literature review and findings of the interviews, it may be concluded that family background and childhood experience is a significant influence on the attitudes of perpetrators of domestic violence. This is aligned with the literature review that also reveals such links. Perpetrators of domestic violence may hold such misogynist beliefs driven by their misinterpretation of the religious texts. Victims of domestic violence may suffer in silence because they may feel that members of their religious community will not support them in taking action against the perpetrators (Damron & Johnson, 2015). Perpetrators may justify their violence against women based on their misogynistic and patriarchal understanding of religious texts. Victims of domestic violence may also develop passive attitudes to domestic violence based on such understanding of religious texts.

The link between educational attainment and domestic violence is suggested in this research, however, the link is not strongly made out as a principal factor for victimisation of partners by less educated men. It is difficult to say that lack of educational qualification is a predominant factor influencing domestic violence. Literature review did indicate that lack of education can be an influential factor, with low educational attainment being predictors of perpetration as well as victimhood by domestic violence (Trinh, Oh, Choi, To, & Do, 2016; Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015). The responses in this research are mixed. While the majority of the perpetrators in this research did exhibit lack of educational qualifications, 2 out of 7 perpetrators were highly educated. However, this responses to the interviews did indicate that less educated partners are more likely to abuse their women to prove their authority or supremacy on them; which was actually their delusion. While lack of general education may show complex interactions with domestic violence, more emphasis on education with regard to domestic violence where mass media campaigns are organised may be useful in reducing the incidence of domestic violence (Semahegn & Mengistie, 2015). Literature suggests that education may play an important role in defining the responses of women victims to domestic violence. It is possible that women who are educated resist domestic violence more because they have been empowered and are financially independent. Such women may find it easier to counter their oppressors and take a firmer stance against domestic violence. Lack of education may make the attitudes of victims to domestic violence more passive as there may be lack of financial independence amongst such women, which may drive their more passive attitudes to domestic violence. Literature also reports that low educational attainment in women is linked to their lack of knowledge about their social rights and legal recourse against abusive husbands (Kargar Jahromi, Jamali, Koshkaki, & Javadpour, 2015) The link between religious beliefs and attitudes to domestic violence is also clearly made out in the responses to the interview questions. From the analysis of the socio-economic factors, religion is found as a significant impactful factor for attitudes to domestic violence. Not only Islamic and Christian but also the other religious scriptures can be interpreted to perpetuate patriarchy and even misogyny. With such interpretation of the religious scriptures, there can be some justification made out for perpetrating domestic violence. Victims of domestic violence may be manipulated to believe that it is their religious duty to remain with their husbands even if they are abusive. However, religion can also provide support to the victims of domestic violence because they may be able to find support groups within their religious circle who may provide them social support to counter the effects of domestic violence. Culture and religion can also provide a strong intersection due to which individuals may be impacted in their attitudes to domestic violence. Cultural practices within religious contexts may lead to the avoidance of acknowledging violence within the family.

Religion’s role in shaping attitudes to domestic violence may be rooted in the development of patriarchy, and social standards related to power relations between men and women, which have sustained to some extent misogynist ideas of women and domestic violence (Fortune & Enger, 2019). The attitudes of both the victims of domestic violence as well as perpetrators of domestic violence are shaped by this religious impact. Religious education or rather misinterpretation of sacred texts of different religions have expressly or implicitly shaped the set of social values that have tolerated violence against women (Fortune & Enger, 2019). Within religious conventions we can find some sources that would be against such violence, however due to misinterpretation of religious texts, women and men have wrong notions about violence against women which may shape the attitudes of both victims and perpetrators of domestic violence (Fortune and Enger, 2019).

Required cultural practices

The responses to the interviews suggest that the introduction of laws and policies with respect to domestic violence can be useful in making the victims more aware and take some action against the perpetrator of the violence. It is also noted that it is not necessary that victims will recognise the sign of violence and will discuss it with others, including their family and friends. There may be periods of time when the victims are subjected to violence, but they do not share this information with their family and friends. This aligns with the literature on this subject, which also indicates that victims may not disclose the abusive intimate relationships with family and friends (Flood & Pease, 2009). The findings indicate that a common misconception regarding domestic violence for the victims of domestic violence is the belief that the perpetrator will eventually stop abusing, and that the perpetrator is actually a good person but has some temper issues or emotional problems. However, the problem with the perpetuation of this belief is that it may encourage domestic violence in the relationship as the abuse becomes normalised over a period of time. Responses of the interviewees suggest that there are certain effective measures that the respondents believe can be taken to reduce domestic violence incidence in the society. The impacts of domestic violence are still severe with some participants. Most interviewees have emphasised on conducting counselling of perpetrators as there may be some mental and emotional issues that are seen to be important. Literature too emphasises on the effectiveness of social control measures like legislation or social policy in responding to domestic violence. (Thiara & Gill, 2009; Julios, 2016). Counselling and other measures meant to provide support to women victims of domestic violence are noted in literature as being effective in providing support and help to victims and their children (Pan, et al., 2015).

Conclusion and Recommendations

Conclusion

The principal objective of this research was to find out whether the social and economic factors influence domestic violence on women in the UK. This study concludes that there is a significant impact of social and economic factors on perpetration and victimisation from. This research concludes that out of 4 socio-economic factors which were included at the beginning of this research, 2 socio-economic factors i.e. social, and family background have significant impact on domestic violence. Religious background also has an impact on domestic violence, but more research is needed to understand the significance or the level of the impact of religion on domestic violence. Similarly, educational background is seen to have an impact to some extent, but more research is required to conclusively say that. This research also found that there are some common indicators of risk factors for victims of domestic violence, which include, childhood memories or experience of the perpetrator, superiority complex, inferiority complex, controlling behaviour, substandard culture, delusion of love, fear of expression of violence, unhealthy family background, misinterpreted beliefs etc. Finding all these indicators were the third objective of this research. Social factors and family background are seen to have the most impact on domestic violence. Cultural values can play a major role in shaping attitudes towards domestic violence. Family background and exposure to violence in home at young ages can also shape attitudes towards domestic violence.

A limitation of this study is that the sample size of participants for the interviews was small at 7 interviewees. However, due to constraints of time and resources, this sample was chosen for this research. With respect to educational attainment and its impact on domestic violence and religious values and their impact on domestic violence, this small sample size has not been able to provide clear or conclusive results. For future research in this area, a bigger sample may be useful in providing more conclusive answers.

Recommendation

The responses to the interviews has led to the identification of some possible measures that can be taken in order to reduce the incidence of domestic violence. Proper counselling and education can be effective ways to reduce the extent. Cultural reform is also important. In many cultures, there may be normalisation of domestic violence. Reforming cultural practices that impact gender relations may be central to reducing incidence of domestic violence and changing notions towards domestic violence. Some of the recommendations of this dissertation are discussed in the following points.

Women should be educated and made aware of their rights against abusive partners. They must be encouraged to speak out and not silently tolerate domestic violence. Silent toleration of domestic violence encourages the perpetuation and normalisation of domestic violence.

Creation of support systems is important to provide the victims of domestic violence with some space within which they can find some ways and means to fight against domestic violence. Such support systems may not necessarily be found in the family and friends circle. Therefore, creation of social support systems within the communities and religious circle may be an important way to encourage women to speak up when they are victimised. Through such support systems, the victims may be able to find their way to communicate domestic violence to the law enforcement officers. This can happen if there are social networks between support groups and law enforcement.

Mental health issues are prominent within families with exposure to domestic violence. In this context, the impact of domestic violence may be the most traumatic for children who are exposed to it and may have life long implications, including anger issues, or acceptance of domestic violence. Therefore, some efforts must be made to allow counselling of victims, perpetrators and children in such families. In schools, such counselling can be done generally where children are to be taught about the types and bad impacts of domestic violence at very early stage in their school life.

Misinterpretation of the religious scriptures should be stopped and tackled by religious leaders within the community so that false evidence or misapplied quotations from the religious scriptures are not used to perpetuate conditions of domestic violence.

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